THE    CENTURY   BIBLE    HANDBOOKS 

Old  Testament  History 

PROF.  H.  BENNETT,  D,D. 


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fBS    417  .C46  V.2 
7  Bennett,  W.H. 

{  Old  Testament  history 


V 


CENTURY  BIBLE  HANDBOOKS 

General  EmroR 
Principal  WALTER  F.  ADENEY,  M.A.,  D.D. 


OLD   TESTAMENT   HISTORY 


OLD  TESTAMENT 
HISTORY 


*      DEC  12  1910 


BY 


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REV.  W.  H.  BENNETT 

M.A.    (lOND.),    LITT.D.    (cAMB.),    PROFESSOR,    NEW   COLLEGE   AND 
HACKNEY   COLLEGE,    LONDON,    SOMETIME    FELLOW   OF 

ST.  John's  college,  Cambridge 


HODDER   AND   STOUGHTON 

NEW   YORK 

1909 


CONTENTS 


CHAP.  PAGE 

I.    INTRODUCTION I 

II.    ENVIRONMENT 8 

III.  ORIGIN  OF  ISRAEL — MOSES  AND  THE  EXODUS  1 7 

IV.  THE     CONQUEST     OF     CANAAN  :     I. — JOSHUA 

AND    THE   JUDGES 35 

V.    THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN  :    II. — SAMUEL, 

SAUL,    AND    DAVID  .....  54 

VI.    SOLOMON 82 

VII.    THE    DISRUPTION            .....  88 

VIII.    WARS    BETWEEN    ISRAEL    AND    JUDAH    .            .  9 1 

IX.   THE   SYRIAN   WARS — I.   THE  HOUSE  OF  OMRI  95 

X.    THE  SYRIAN  WARS — II.  THE  HOUSE  OF  JEHU  I07 

XI.    ISRAEL    UNDER   THE    EARLY    MONARCHY          .  II5 

XII.    THE  PROPHETS  OF  EIGHTH   CENTURY,   AMOS, 

HOSEA,    ISAIAH,    AND    MICAH     .             .             .  I20 

XIII.  THE    REFORMS    OF    JOSIAH    ....  133 

XIV.  THE    LAST    DAYS    OF    JUDAH              .            .            •  138 
XV.    THE   CAPTIVITY 150 

XVI.    THE   RESTORATION        .            .            .            ,             .  160 

XVII.    THE    REFORMS    OF    EZRA    AND    NEHEMIAH    .  166 

XVIII.    CONCLUSION 1 74 

APPENDIX     I.    THE    RETURN    FROM    THE    EXILE         .  1 76 
„            II.    THE   REFORMS    OF    EZRA    AND    NEHE- 
MIAH                 177 

INDEX -  .  .178 


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1 

OLD   TESTAMENT   HISTORY 

CHAPTER   I 

INTRODUCTION 

The  Importance  of  the  History  of  Israel. — The  history 
of  the  Chosen  People  has  a  supreme  claim  upon  our 
interest  and  attention ;  it  means  more  to  us  than  the 
annals  of  Greece  or  Rome,  or  even  of  our  own  country. 
For  more  than  a  thousand  years  Israel  was  the  sphere 
within  which  God  specially  made  Himself  known  to 
man,  in  that  Revelation  which  culminated  in  the  Gospel 
of  Jesus  Christ.  The  attitude  of  God  both  to  the 
human  race  and  to  the  individual  soul  was  revealed  in 
His  dealings  with  Israel  and  its  citizens.  The  Divine 
requirements  are  set  forth  in  the  demands  of  the  inspired 
teachers  of  the  Old  Testament.  The  Law  and  the 
Prophets,  the  Psalms  and  the  Wisdom  of  Israel,  set  up 
moral  standards  which  even  now  we  do  not  seriously 
attempt  to  realise.  In  this  sacred  literature  we  also 
see  how  the  soul   became  conscious  of  its  fellowship 

A 


2       OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

with  God,  and  how  the  mutual  action  and  reaction  of 
the  Divine  Spirit  with  the  reHgious  experience  of  man 
were  gradually  understood  and  interpreted. 

This  unique  religious  life  was  constantly  and  closely 
interwoven  with  the  history ;  the  religion  was  a  national 
religion.  To  use  modern  terms,  the  nation  and  the 
Church  were  identical ;  religion  was  a  matter  for  the 
community,  and  for  the  individual  as  a  member  of  the 
community,  and  on  the  other  hand  politics  and  social 
life  were  equally  matters  of  religion.  For  the  most  part 
the  inspired  writers  are  concerned  chiefly  and  in  the 
first  instance  with  Israel ;  the  great  utterances  of  Isaiah, 
Jeremiah,  and  other  prophets  were  directly  occasioned 
by  the  historical  circumstances  of  their  times. 

Moreover,  the  human  character  of  Jesus  and  the 
circumstances  of  His  early  life  were  the  outcome  of  the 
national  experience ;  and  He  and  His  Apostles  thought 
and  spoke  in  terms  of  the  history  of  Israel.  The  Church 
has  included  the  Hebrew  literature  in  its  Bible,  and  is 
largely  indebted  to  the  Old  Testament  for  its  ethics. 
In  a  word,  there  can  be  no  intelligent  knowledge  of 
Christ  and  Christianity  without  an  acquaintance  with 
the  annals  of  the  Chosen  People. 

We  must  also  remember  that  Mohammedanism  starts 
from  the  Old  Testament,  which  it  accepts  as  a  Divine 
Revelation. 

Thus  the  unique  glory  of  Israel  is  its  importance  for 


INTRODUCTION 


religion.  In  population,  extent  of  territory,  political 
power,  in  art  and  science  and  commerce,  it  was  insig- 
nificant; but  it  was  the  parent  of  three  great  world- 
religions,  Judaism,  Islam,  and  Christianity. 

Sources. — Our  information  as  to  ancient  Israel  is  mainly 
derived  from  the  Old  Testament.  Josephus,  indeed, 
wrote  in  a.d.  95  his  "  Antiquities  of  the  Jews,"  giving  an 
account  of  the  period  from  the  creation  of  the  world 
to  the  Jewish  war  in  a.d.  70 ;  but  until  some  time  after 
the  Exile,  he  had  no  trustworthy  authorities  except 
those  contained  in  the  Old  Testament.  Hence  for  the 
earlier  history  he  adds  little  or  nothing  to  our  knowledge ; 
he  merely  supplements  the  BibHcal  narrative  by  fanciful 
legends,  rhetorical  expansions,  and  more  or  less  plausible 
conjectures.  A  mass  of  equally  worthless  material  of 
a  similar  character  is  found  in  the  Apocryphal  and 
other  Jewish  and  Christian  literature  of  the  centuries 
immediately  before  and  after  Christ. 

We  do,  indeed,  learn  much  from  the  monuments, 
inscriptions,  and  other  ancient  records  of  Assyria, 
Babylonia,  Egypt,  and  Moab.  They  have  brought  to 
light  the  world  to  which  Israel  belonged,  and  told  us 
the  history  of  the  great  empires  which  were  in  turn 
supreme ;  and  thus  indirectly  they  enable  us  to  under- 
stand the  circumstances  and  conditions  of  the  sacred 
story,  and  to  fill  in  the  background  of  the  picture  drawn 
by  the  Bible.     They  also  help  us  with  the  chronology, 


4       OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

and  supply  alternative  versions  of  some  of  the  stories ; 
but,  so  far,  they  do  not  provide  us  with  many  additional 
facts  of  Hebrew  history. 

When  we  remember  that,  for  by  far  the  greater  part 
of  the  history  of  ancient  Israel,  we  have  hardly  any 
other  source  of  information  but  the  narrative  portions 
of  the  Old  Testament,  it  will  be  evident  that  our  data 
are  extremely  meagre.  Indeed,  they  are  even  less  than 
they  seem  at  first  sight,  for  most  of  the  narratives  in 
Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and  Chronicles  are  repetitions,  often 
word  for  word,  of  material  found  in  the  other  historical 
books.  Deducting  such  repetitions,  together  with  the 
legal  sections  of  the  Pentateuch,  we  have  left  very  roughly 
280  octavo  pages.  Or  we  may  leave  out  Genesis  as 
concerned  with  the  patriarchs  rather  than  the  nation  ; 
and  we  have  only  about  240  pages  to  tell  the  story  of 
some  thousand  years — about  as  much  as  a  halfpenny 
daily  paper  gives  to  the  events  of  three  or  four  days. 
And,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  further  deductions  have  to  be 
made,  for  reasons  to  be  stated  in  our  next  section. 

The  Interpretation  of  the  Sources. — This  might  seem 
at  first  sight  a  very  simple  matter ;  it  might  be  supposed 
that  we  have  merely  to  reproduce  the  Biblical  statements. 
Some  readers  will  be  surprised  to  find  that  this  has  not 
been  done  ;  they  will  miss  familiar  features  of  the  sacred 
story ;  and  it  may  seem  that  in  places  the  history  as 
given  here  is  inconsistent  with  the  inspired  record. 


INTRODUCTION 


But  in  truth  the  reconstruction  of  the  history  of  ancient 
times  from  such  documents  as  those  contained  in  the 
Old  Testament  is  a  most  difficult  problem.  These 
documents  are  not  history,  but  material  for  history.  The 
Bible  is  given  us  as  a  means  of  grace,  to  show  us  the 
way  of  salvation,  and  to  move  us  to  faith  in  Christ ;  it 
was  not  intended,  in  the  first  instance  and  directly,  to 
provide  us  with  information  on  other  matters,  especially 
on  the  details  of  secular  history.  Being  thus  provided 
for  our  spiritual  edification,  the  Bible  uses  any  form  of 
narrative  which  may  serve  that  end.  There  are  other 
kinds  of  narratives  besides  scientific  reports  which  are 
accurate  in  every  detail — if  any  such  have  ever  existed. 
There  are  poems,  parables,  and  allegories.  There  are 
stories  about  tribes  written  as  if  they  were  about  indi- 
viduals ;  we  read  about  Ephraim  and  his  brethren,  when 
not  the  patriarchs  but  the  tribes  are  meant.  Then,  again, 
a  writer  or  a  preacher  wishing  to  bring  home  to  his 
contemporaries  the  lessons  of  ancient  events  may  tell 
the  story  as  if  it  had  happened  in  his  own  time,  in  terms 
of  the  customs  and  circumstances  with  which  he  and  his 
hearers  are  familiar.  He  may  speak  of  the  Prodigal 
Son  squandering  bank-notes.  Much  of  Chronicles  has 
been  written  on  that  principle. 

In  fact,  almost  every  possible  form  of  narrative  is  used  in 
the  Old  Testament,  and  the  student  has  to  determine  the 
character  of  each ;  it  is,  as  we  have  said,  no  easy  task. 


6       OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

It  is  obviously  impossible  in  this  little  handbook  to 
give  reasons ;  one  can  only  state  conclusions.  Moreover, 
in  view  of  the  meagre  data,  the  obscurity  of  numerous 
passages,  and  the  contradictions — or  at  any  rate  the 
prima  fade  contradictions — in  many  of  the  parallel 
passages ;  in  view  of  all  these  difficulties,  we  must  be 
more  or  less  uncertain  about  many  details.  For  the 
sake  of  clearness  and  brevity  we  have  often  omitted 
qualifications  ;  we  have  for  the  most  part  avoided  "  prob- 
ably "  and  "  possibly  " ;  but  the  reader  will  understand 
that  our  version  of  the  story  is  not  put  forward  dogmatic- 
ally as  absolutely  certain  throughout.  In  minor  matters 
it  is  one  among  several  possible  versions :  but  for  all 
the  views  held  there  is  respectable  evidence  and  strong 
authority.  The  main  lines  of  the  history  are  practically 
certain,  so  far  as  our  present  information  is  concerned ; 
and  on  these  more  important  matters  there  is  something 
like  a  consensus  of  opinion  amongst  scholars  who  hold 
moderate  modern  views. 

The  history  of  the  Literature  and  Religion  of  Israel 
are  only  dealt  with  briefly ;  for  further  information 
on  these  subjects,  including  the  historical  documents 
of  which  we  have  been  speaking,  the  reader  is  referred 
to  two  other  volumes  of  this  series,  "  The  Books  of  the 
Old  Testament"  by  Professor  Whitehouse,  and  "The 
Religion  of  Israel "  by  Professor  Peake.  Similarly, 
many  of  our  statements  rest  upon  an  examination  of 


INTRODUCTION 


the  text  and  interpretation  of  the  relevant  passages — an 
examination  far  too  lengthy  and  elaborate  to  be  repro- 
duced in  an  elementary  handbook.  The  full  treat- 
ment of  such  matters  may  be  seen  in  such  works  as  the 
"International  Critical  Commentary,"  and  Professor 
H.  P.  Smith's  "  Old  Testament  History"  in  the  "Inter- 
national Theological  Library."  A  good  general  idea 
of  these  discussions  may  be  obtained  from  the  notes 
in  the  "Century  Bible." 


CHAPTER    II 

ENVIRONMENT 

Geography  of  the  Ancient  East. — The  history  of  ancient 
Israel  is  concerned  mainly  with  Assyria,  Babylonia, 
Syria,  and  Egypt ;  and  in  a  less  degree  with  the 
neighbouring  countries.  Media,  Persia,  Elam,  Arabia, 
and  Ethiopia.  Most  of  the  events  took  place  within 
an  area  contained  by  the  following  boundaries :  the 
east  and  south-east  coast  of  the  Mediterranean  Sea, 
a  line  drawn  from  the  north-east  corner  of  the  Mediter- 
ranean to  the  mouth  of  the  Araxes  on  the  west  coast 
of  the  Caspian,  the  coast  of  the  Caspian,  a  line  drawn 
from  the  south-east  corner  of  the  Caspian  to  the  head 
of  the  Persian  Gulf,  a  line  from  the  head  of  the  Persian 
Gulf  to  the  head  of  the  Gulf  of  Elath,  the  coast  of  the 
Red  Sea,  from  there  round  the  Peninsula  of  Sinai  and 
then  southward  about  halfway  down  the  Red  Sea, 
a  line  from  this  point  westward,  and  finally  the  desert 
to  the  west  of  Egypt  (see  Map  of  the  Ancient  East). 
To-day  this  area  is  included  in  Egypt,  Turkey  in  Asia, 
and  Persia. 

The  most  striking  features  of  this  area  are  : — 


ENVIRONMENT 


(i.)The  two  great  river  systems ;  on  the  one  hand  the 
Euphrates  and  the  Tigris  and  their  tributaries,  with  vast 
plains  rendered  fertile  in  ancient  times  by  irrigation,  and 
on  the  other  the  Nile,  with  the  lands  about  it,  like  a 
fan  with  a  long  handle,  the  handle  being  a  narrow  strip 
of  cultivated  soil  shut  in  by  mountains,  and  the  extended 
portion  of  the  fan  being  the  Delta,  a  triangle  traversed  by 
numerous  arms  into  which  the  Nile  divides.  These  lands 
are  fertilised  by  the  annual  inundations  of  the  Nile. 

(ii.)  A  strip  of  highlands  and  mountains,  extending 
from  the  north-east  corner  of  the  Mediterranean  to 
the  Peninsula  of  Sinai ;  interrupted  at  intervals  by 
valleys  and  plains,  sometimes  fertile,  sometimes  desert. 

(iii.)  The  maritime  plain  along  the  Mediterranean, 
sometimes  extremely  narrow,  somietimes  extending  for 
a  considerable  distance  inland. 

(iv.)  A  great  triangular  wedge  of  desert,  separating 
Syria  from  Mesopotamia  and  Babylonia. 

The  International  System. — These  countries  were 
the  seat  of  two  ancient  civilisations,  which  had  reached 
an  advanced  stage  of  art,  science,  political  and  social 
organisation,  and  religion,  before  Israel  appeared  upon 
the  scene.  The  Egyptian  monarchy  can  be  traced 
back  to  about  5000  B.C.,  and  the  beginnings  of  civilisa- 
tion in  the  Nile  Valley  are  thousands  of  years  earlier. 
The  civilisation  of  the  lands  about  the  Euphrates  and 
the  Tigris  is  not  much  less  ancient.     The  earliest  people 


lo     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

whom  we  can  trace  in  these  countries  are  the  Sumerians  ; 
later  on  Semitic  invaders  established  themselves  in  the 
land  and  became  the  ruling  race.  As  early  as  4000  B.C. 
powerful  city-states  already  existed,  and  in  the  period 
from  4500  B.C.  to  2500  B.C.  various  Semitic  kingdoms 
rose  and  fell.  About  B.C.  2100,  the  Babylonian  Empire 
began  to  flourish  under  what  is  called  the  First  Baby- 
lonian Dynasty.  The  greatest  king  of  this  dynasty 
was  Hammurabi,  identified  with  Amraphel  the  con- 
temporary of  Abraham  (Gen.  xiv.).  Hammurabi  made 
Babylon  supreme  in  Western  Asia. 

Less  is  known  of  the  early  history  of  Assyria,  but 
a  Semitic  monarchy  existed  there  about  3000  B.C. 
Nineveh  was  already  a  flourishing  city  in  the  time 
of  Hammurabi.  For  many  centuries  Assyria  was  a 
province  or  dependency  of  Babylon,  but  in  time  the 
more  northerly  state  asserted  its  independence,  and 
became  first  the  rival  and  then  the  mistress  of  Babylonia. 

The  settled  lands  of  Syria  were  for  the  most  part 
parcelled  out  amongst  a  number  of  small  city-states, 
while  numerous  nomad  tribes  roamed  over  the  pasture- 
lands  and  the  desert.  Amongst  the  cities  the  most 
important  were  the  Phoenician  ports  and  Damascus.  A 
belt  of  Phcenician  cities  were  dotted  along  the  Medi- 
terranean coast  from  Tyre  northwards,  and  most  of 
the  maritime  commerce  of  South-west  Asia  was  in 
the  hands  of  their  merchants.     The  Phoenicians  were 


ENVIRONMENT  t  i 

Canaanites  who  had  given  up  agriculture  and  taken  to 
trade.  We  do  not  know  the  date  at  which  they  settled 
on  the  coast,  but  Tyre  and  Sidon  were  already  flourish- 
ing in  the  fifteenth  century  B.C. 

In  addition  to  the  greater  empires,  the  Syrian  cities, 
and  the  nomads,  there  were  various  minor  states,  some 
of  which  rose  to  temporary  importance.  They  were  some- 
times independent,  but  mostly  subject  to  Egypt,  Assyria, 
or  Babylon :  they  continually  varied  in  number  and 
extent  of  territory. 

The  area  we  have  defined  was  frequently  invaded  by 
neighbours  outside  its  boundaries.  Great  waves  of  im- 
migrants from  Arabia  repeatedly  swept  over  Syria  and 
Babylonia,  introduced  new  elements  into  the  population, 
and  changed  the  character  of  society.  In  Northern  Syria 
we  find  between  1600  and  800  B.C.  a  Hittite  Empire  or 
Confederation,  controlling  much  of  Asia  Minor  and  con- 
tending on  equal  terms  with  Egypt  for  the  supremacy 
of  Syria. 

The  nations  of  our  area — which  we  may  speak  of,  for 
the  sake  of  simplicity,  as  Western  Asia  and  Egypt — 
formed  an  international  system,  and  were  as  closely 
connected  as  the  peoples  of  Western  Europe  before  the 
advent  of  railways,  steamships,  and  telegraphs.  The 
dominant  races  in  Western  Asia  were  Semitic;  Egypt 
was  ruled  for  centuries  by  a  Semitic  dynasty,  and  there 
was  a  Semitic  element  in  the  population.     There  was  a 


12     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

vigorous  commerce  between  the  different  countries, 
and  their  inhabitants  were  brought  into  contact  with 
one  another  by  frequent  wars.  The  governments  main- 
tained diplomatic  relations  with  one  another,  and  the 
royal  families  intermarried.  There  was  one  special 
feature  of  ancient  life  which  tended  to  draw  the  nations 
together  and  give  them  a  mutual  knowledge  of  each 
other.  In  every  country  there  were  numbers  of  foreign 
slaves,  of  whom  a  considerable  proportion  either  escaped 
or  were  ransomed.  A  Syrian  lady,  for  instance,  could 
learn  all  about  the  Israelites  from  her  Jewish  maid. 

More  especially  Assyria  and  Babylon  were  very 
similar  in  race,  language,  and  religion,  and  they  were 
closely  connected  politically,  so  that  when  we  speak  of 
one  only  it  may  be  generally  understood  that  the  other 
is  included. 

All  these  ancient  peoples  were  deeply  and  universally 
religious ;  they  were  conscious  of  invisible  Powers  be- 
hind Nature  and  life,  behind  experience  and  history; 
and  this  consciousness  led  them  to  believe  in  an  immense 
number  of  supernatural  beings  of  all  kinds,  gods  and 
demons,  good  and  evil,  great  and  small,  with  every 
possible  variety  of  function.  But  practically  a  family, 
a  city,  or  a  nation  often  became  attached  to  some  one 
deity,  who  took  a  special  interest  in  its  welfare — a  kind 
of  patron  saint.  Naturally  a  people  thought  highly  of 
its  own  particular  god,  and  if  a  city  became  prosperous 


ENVIRONMENT  13 

and  powerful,  its  deity  would  be  extolled  as  mighty 
and  beneficent  beyond  all  others.  About  1400  B.C.  an 
Egyptian  king,  Khuenaten,  became  a  believer  in  the 
Sun-god  as  the  supreme  sole  deity,  and  tried  to  make 
monotheism  the  religion  of  Egypt.  But  the  new  move- 
ment entirely  collapsed  at  his  death. 

The  two  chief  centres  of  influence  for  Western  Asia 
were  Egypt  and  Babylonia;  sometimes  the  Pharaohs, 
sometimes  the  dominant  power  on  the  Euphrates,  held 
sway  over  Syria  for  centuries.  Of  the  two.  Babylonia,  and 
especially  the  city  of  Babylon,  was  the  more  important. 
Babylon  in  the  ancient  East  held  a  position  similar  to 
that  of  Rome  in  Western  Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages 
or  to  that  of  Paris  to-day.  For  example,  in  the  fifteenth 
and  fourteenth  centuries,  and  doubtless  at  other  times, 
Babylonian  was  the  language  of  diplomacy,  in  which 
despatches  were  written  by  the  governments  of  Egypt, 
Syria,  and  Cappadocia. 

The  Geography  of  Palestine  (see  Map  of  Palestine). — 
Palestine  may  be  very  roughly  described  as  consisting 
of  four  parallel  strips  of  country. 

{a)  A  section  of  the  maritime  plain  referred  to  as  iii. 
on  page  9,  and  immediately  eastwards. 

{b)  A  section  of  the  Highlands  referred  to  as  ii.  on 
the  same  page.  This  hill  country  is  interrupted  to  the 
south-west  of  the  Sea  of  Galilee  by  the  Plain  of  Esdraelon. 
In  the  southern  half  of  Palestine,  between  the  moun- 


14     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

tains  and  the  plain,  there  is  a  district  of  low  hills,  the 
Shephelah,  the  "  lowland  "  of  the  Revised  Version. 

(c)  The  valley  of  the  Jordan. 

(d)  The  high  table-land  to  the  east  of  the  Jordan. 

In  the  south,  the  Highlands  drop  into  a  lower 
district,  still  considerably  above  the  sea-level,  partly 
desert,  partly  poor  pasture-land,  the  Negeb  or  "  south 
country." 

On  three  sides  Palestine  has  well-defined  boundaries, 
the  Mediterranean  on  the  west,  the  desert  on  the 
south  and  east.  To  the  north  there  is  no  natural 
boundary.  But  the  Israelite  dominion  hardly  ever 
extended  over  all  Palestine :  most  of  the  maritime 
plain  was  usually  held  by  the  Philistines  and  the 
Phoenicians ;  and  the  country  east  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and 
southwards  generally,  belonged  to  Edom  and  Moab. 

Palestine  is  a  very  small  country ;  its  length  from 
Dan  to  Beersheba  is  about  one  hundred  and  eighty  miles, 
the  breadth  from  Jordan  to  the  sea  is  rarely  more  than 
fifty  miles.  The  Israelite  frontier,  east  of  the  Jordan, 
was  very  indefinite,  and  continually  varied.  We  might 
reckon  a  breadth  of  from  about  twenty  miles  to  possibly 
fifty  in  Bashan.  On  the  one  hand,  however,  the 
dominion  of  Israelite  kings  was  sometimes  more  exten- 
sive; but,  on  the  other,  as  we  have  seen,  there  was 
never  a  time  when  the  whole  of  this  territory  was 
effectively   occupied   by  an    Israelite  population.      In 


ENVIRONMENT  15 

view  of  the  uncertainty  of  the  frontier,  we  can  hardly 
give  exact  figures  for  the  area  of  Palestine,  but  accord- 
ing to  Professor  Socin  in  the  article  "  Palestine  "  in  the 
EficyclopcBdia  Biblica^  the  area  of  Western  Palestine  is 
6040  square  miles,  while  3800  square  miles  would  be 
a  liberal  estimate  for  Eastern  Palestine.  The  whole  is 
less  than  a  sixth  of  England. 

The  surface  of  the  country  is  very  varied ;  the  eleva- 
tion ranges  from  nearly  10,000  feet  above  the  sea-level 
on  the  summit  of  Hermon,  to  more  than  1000  feet 
below  the  sea  level  on  the  shores  of  the  Dead  Sea. 
Hence  the  climate  is  very  different  in  different  districts, 
and  the  kinds  of  vegetable  produce  are  very  numerous. 
Much  of  the  land  is  only  fit  for  pasture,  and  large 
numbers  of  sheep  and  cattle  were  reared,  especially  in 
the  districts  bordering  on  the  southern  and  eastern 
deserts.  In  some  districts,  especially  on  the  slopes  of 
the  lower  hills,  the  vine,  the  fig,  and  the  olive  flourished. 
Wheat  and  barley  were  staple  products  of  Palestine, 
growing  abundantly  in  the  plains.  The  country  is  not 
rich  in  minerals. 

As  regards  commerce,  there  are  no  good  sea-ports 
south  of  Carmel,  and  the  maritime  trade  was  mostly 
in  the  hands  of  the  Phoenicians.  But  the  most  im- 
portant caravan  routes  from  Syria  and  Mesopotamia 
to  Egypt  passed  either  through  Palestine  or  along  its 
borders. 


i6     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Early  History  of  Palestine. — When  Israel  appeared 
upon  the  scene  Palestine  already  enjoyed  a  civilisation^ 
which,  like  that  of  Egypt  and  Babylon,  had  been  de-f 
veloping  for  thousands  of  years.  It  had  been  overrun 
by  successive  waves  of  immigrants,  mostly  Semites  from 
Arabia.  At  the  time  of  the  Israelite  conquest  the 
ruling  race  were  the  Canaanites,  to  whom  the  Phoenicians 
belonged.  As  far  as  we  are  acquainted  with  the 
internal  politics  of  the  country,  it  was  mainly  organised 
in  small  states  consisting  of  cities,  or  groups  of  cities, 
and  their  territory,  together  with  a  nomad  population, 
forming  small  tribes.  The  number  and  extent  of  these 
states  continually  varied,  and  they  were  often  federated 
in  all  sorts  of  combinations. 

But  the  culture  of  the  country  was  largely  determined 
by  the  great  empires  upon  which  it  was  usually  de- 
pendent. Palestine  was  the  bone  of  contention  between 
Egypt  and  its  eastern  rivals,  and  often  the  battle-ground 
on  which  they  fought  out  their  quarrels — the  Flanders  of 
the  ancient  East.  Before  1800  B.C.  there  were  periods 
when  Elam  or  Babylonia  was  dominant  in  Syria  and 
Palestine;  and  from  about  1700  to  1200  B.C.  Palestine 
was  mostly  tributary  to  the  Pharaohs,  and  some  of  its 
towns  were  occupied  by  their  garrisons.  The  Egyptians 
held  the  Sinaitic  Peninsula,  and  worked  its  mines 
from  the  very  earliest  times,  perhaps  as  early  as 
4000  B.C. 


J  ^  CHAPTER   III 

,      ORIGIN    OF    ISRAEL— MOSES   AND  THE 
EXODUS 

The   Pentateuch 

The  Genealogy  of  Israel. — Israel  first  appears  as  a 
nation  at  the  Exodus.  It  is  then  described  as  a  con- 
federacy of  twelve  tribes,  descended  from  the  twelve  sons 
of  Jacob  or  Israel.  But  in  the  ancient  East  genealo- 
gies with  their  various  features,  parents  and  children, 
brothers  and  sisters,  husbands  and  wives,  were  used  to 
set  forth  the  political,  geographical,  and  racial  relations 
of  tribes  and  districts.  Thus  series  of  dry  details  were 
transformed  into  romantic  stories,  and  history  became 
picturesque  and  easy  to  remember.  We  still  use 
similar  figures ;  England  is  the  mother  country  and 
the  colonies  her  daughters.  Thus  the  only  certain 
meaning  of  the  statement  that  the  twelve  tribes  were 
the  sons  of  Israel,  is  that  these  tribes  ultimately  formed 
a  nation  called  Israel ;  it  also  meant  other  things,  but  it 
is  difficult  to  discover  these  other  meanings. 

Many  of  the  narratives  in  Genesis  are  as  much  tribal 
history  as  the  genealogies  with  which  they  are  inter- 
woven, and  these  passages  contain  the  remnants  of  the 

17  B 


i8     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Israelites'  traditions  as  to  the  way  in  which  the  Con- 
federacy of  the  Twelve  Tribes  gradually  grew  up.  The 
names  of  the  Patriarchs  and  their  wives  are  chiefly 
names  of  tribes ;  the  various  marriages  and  births  stand 
for  alliances  and  combinations  of  independent  tribes, 
and  for  the  subdivision  of  a  large  tribe  into  smaller 
clans.  Personal  narratives  have  been  blended  with  this 
tribal  history.  We  cannot  say  now  exactly  how  much 
belongs  to  each  class  of  material;  but  many  scholars 
hold  that  Abraham,  at  any  rate,  was  a  person  and  not 
merely  a  tribe ;  and  that  the  adventures  of  Joseph  have 
a  basis  in  actual  facts  of  personal  experience,  though 
their  hero  may  have  been  the  patron  saint,  so  to  speak, 
rather  than  the  ancestor  of  the  tribe. 

We  cannot  now  decide  w^th  certainty  what  was  the 
original  tradition  as  to  the  tribal  history  which  led  up  to 
the  Confederacy  of  the  Twelve  Tribes.  Some  points 
however,  are  clear. 

Genesis  x.,  xi.  trace  the  descent  of  Israel  and  many 
other  nations  to  Shem ;  or,  in  other  words,  they  regard 
them  as  more  closely  connected  with  each  other  than 
with  the  rest  of  the  world.  Amongst  these  "  sons  of 
Shem "  are  the  Assyrians,  Syrians  or  Aramaeans,  and 
numerous  Arab  tribes,  besides  the  ancestors  of  Israel. 
All  our  information  supports  the  statement  that  the 
main  stock  of  the  Assyrians,  Aramaeans,  Arabs,  and 
Israelites   were   cognate    peoples    and    spoke   cognate 


ORIGIN    OF    ISRAEL  19 

tongues  ;  hence  we  speak  of  Semitic  races  and  languages. 
The  Babylonians  must  be  included  with  the  Assyrians. 

On  the  other  hand  Mizraim,  i.e.  Egypt  and  Canaan, 
are  assigned  to  another  group  of  nations,  "  the  sons  of 
Ham."  This  statement,  however,  merely  means  that  in 
ancient  times  Canaan  was  a  province  of  Egypt.  Canaan 
had  a  very  mixed  population,  but  its  language,  which 
chiefly  survives  in  fragments  of  Phoenician,  was 
Semitic ;  and  probably  the  most  important  elements  in 
the  population  were  Semitic. 

Thus  Israel  was  closely  allied  in  race  and  language 
with  Assyria,  Babylon,  the  Syrians,  Canaanites  and 
Arabs. 

According  to  Genesis  xi.  28,  Abram,  Lot,  and  Nahor 
have  a  common  ancestor,  Terah ;  later  on  Abram  (or 
Abraham)  is  the  father  of  Isaac  and  of  Ishmael,  and  of 
numerous  sons  by  Keturah  (chap.  xxv.  i  ff.).  Ishmael 
and  the  sons  of  Keturah  are  the  ancestors  of  Arab 
tribes.  Lot  is  the  father  of  Moab  and  Ammon.  Nahor 
is  the  ancestor  of  Aramaean  tribes.  Isaac  is  the  father  of 
Jacob  and  Esau  or  Edom. 

Terah  lived  originally  in  "  Ur  of  the  Chaldees,"  but 
migrated  thence  with  Abram  and  Lot  to  Haran.  Later 
on  Abram  and  Lot  migrated  thence  to  Canaan.  Nahor 
is  not  included  in  this  migration,  but  his  son  Bethuel 
is  at  Haran  in  Gen.  xxviii.  2. 

So  far  the  tradition  is  clear.     The  original  home  of 


20      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

the  ancestors  of  Israel  was  Southern  Babylonia,  the  dis- 
trict of  Ur  of  the  Chaldees.  These  ancestors  took  part 
in  a  great  migration  north-west  of  Mesopotamia,  about 
Haran.  Later  on  they  and  other  kindred  tribes  moved 
south-west  into  Palestine ;  while  another  migration,  the 
Aramaeans,  followed  them  to  Haran.  There  is,  how- 
ever, reason  to  suppose  that  the  original  starting- 
point  of  both  these  migrations  was  Arabia. 

The  later  stages  of  the  history  are  more  confused, 
because  these  parts  of  Genesis  are  a  combination  of 
divergent  traditions,  but  the  course  of  events  seems 
to  have  been  somewhat  as  follows.  On  the  arrival  in 
Palestine  the  confederacy  divided  into  two  main  groups  : 
one  of  these,  either  Abraham  or  under  the  leadership 
of  Abraham,  passed  over  into  Western  Palestine,  while 
the  other.  Lot,  Moab,  and  Ammon,  settled  east  of  the 
Jordan  and  the  Dead  Sea.  Abraham,  again,  or  his 
followers,  again  divided  into  two  or  three  groups,  Isaac 
on  the  one  hand,  and  various  tribes  which  returned  to 
North-west  Arabia  on  the  other.  Next  Edom  broke  off 
and  settled  to  the  south  and  east  of  the  Dead  Sea, 
leaving  Jacob  as  the  ancestor  of  Israel. 

We  do  not  profess  to  be  able  to  give  a  satisfactory 
explanation  of  the  wanderings  and  the  family  history  of 
Jacob  or  Israel.  But  we  gather  from  them  that  a 
branch  of  the  Israelite  confederacy  as  it  then  existed  re- 
turned to  Mesopotamia,  to  Haran,  and  allied  itself  with 


ORIGIN    OF    ISRAEL 


Aramaean  tribes,  and  afterwards  returned  westward  in 
company  with  their  new  allies  and  rejoined  their  kins- 
folk in  Palestine.  Henceforth  Israel  included  an 
Aramaean  element :  thus  in  Deut.  xxvi.  5  the  ritual 
words  to  be  used  by  an  Israelite  offering  first-fruits  are, 
"A  Syrian,"  i.e.  Aramaean,  "ready  to  perish  was  my 
father." 

The  life  of  the  Patriarchs  as  it  is  described  in  Genesis 
gives  us  the  traditional  Israelite  picture  of  the  condition 
of  their  forefathers  before  the  Bondage,  the  Exodus, 
and  the  Conquest.  They  were  nomad  tribes,  pasturing 
their  flocks  from  the  frontier  lands  of  Egypt  to  the  north 
of  Palestine.  They  were  closely  akin  to  the  tribes  settled 
to  the  south-east  of  that  country,  Ammon,  Moab,  Edom, 
and  various  Arab  or  Bedouin  nomads ;  and  also  to  the 
Aramaeans  or  Syrians  of  the  north-east. 

Eeligion  of  Israel  during  the  Nomad  Period. — Genesis 
tells  us  very  little  on  this  subject ;  it  does  not  even  tell 
us  expressly  that  Abraham,  for  instance,  worshipped 
only  one  God,  still  less  that  he  believed  that  only  one 
God  existed.  Joshua  xxiv.  14,  15  refers  to  the  gods 
which  the  ancestors  of  Israel  worshipped  when  they 
dwelt  beyond  the  Euphrates,  and  Gen.  xxxv.  2  to 
*'  the  strange  gods"  belonging  to  Jacob's  followers,  and 
we  know  that  from  the  Exodus  to  the  Captivity  the 
Israelites  divided  their  allegiance  between  Yahweh  and 
other  deities. 


22     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Hence  we  naturally  conclude  that  during  the  nomad 
period  there  was  a  measure  of  polytheism  amongst  the 
Israelites,  and  that  their  religion  had  much  in  common 
with  that  of  kindred  Bedouin  tribes.  Sacrifice  was  the 
prominent  feature  of  worship. 

On  the  other  hand,  each  tribe  had  some  one  deity  to 
whom  it  was  specially  attached,  and  any  close  alliance 
of  tribes  would  be  placed  under  the  patronage  of  a  god, 
often  the  god  of  the  leading  member  of  the  confederacy. 
Thus  we  may  accept  the  impression  conveyed  by  Ge?iesis^ 
that  the  leaders  of  the  nomad  Israelites  were  specially 
interested  in  one  God,  and  that  for  practical  purposes 
their  religion  for  the  most  part  consisted  of  their  relations 
to  Him. 

Doubtless,  too,  in  this  period  God  gave  to  Israel  a 
measure  of  revelation  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  work 
of  Moses ;  speaking  then  as  He  spoke  later  by  inspired 
teachers  or  prophets.  Many  modern  scholars  regard 
Abraham  as  one  of  these.  We  are  not,  however,  at 
present  in  a  position  to  say  in  what  the  religion  of 
Israel  at  this  time  differed  from  that  of  neighbouring 
kindred  tribes. 

Here  and  elsewhere  we  deal  very  briefly  with  the 
religious  history  of  Israel,  because  it  is  the  subject  of 
another  volume  of  this  series. 

The  Bondage  in  Egypt. — Nomad  tribes  wandering  in 
and   about   Palestine  would,  in   the  natural  course  of 


ORIGIN    OF    ISRAEL  23 

things,  visit  the  frontier  districts  of  Egypt  to  the  east  of 
the  Delta.  We  know  from  the  Egyptian  inscriptions 
that  the  Bedouin  frequently  paid  such  visits,  either  as 
peaceful  traders,  or  to  pasture  their  flocks,  or  on 
plundering  expeditions.  According  to  Gen.  xii.  10, 
xxi.  21,  Abram  went  down  into  Egypt,  and  Ishmael 
married  an  Egyptian  wife. 

Eventually  certain  Israelite  tribes  were  permitted  to 
pasture  their  flocks  in  the  north-east  district  of  Egypt, 
Goshen ;  they  seem  to  have  become  comparatively  settled 
there,  without  altogether  abandoning  the  nomad  life. 
The  evidence  of  the  monuments,  combined  with  certain 
features  of  the  Bible  story,  render  it  probable  that  only 
a  portion  of  the  Israelites  settled  thus  ;  others  remained 
in  Palestine.  There  was  more  than  one  migration  to 
Egypt ;  first  Joseph,  then  other  kindred  clans. 

At  first  these  nomad  guests  met  with  a  friendly  recep- 
tion, and  enjoyed  the  favour  of  the  Eg>'ptian  authorities ; 
but  as  time  went  on  their  attitude  changed,  possibly 
through  a  change  of  dynasty.  From  about  2 100-1600 
B.C.  Egypt  was  ruled  by  the  Hyksos  or  Shepherd  Kings, 
Asiatics  and  possibly  Semites.  It  may  have  been  towards 
the  close  of  this  dynasty  that  the  Israelite  tribes  were 
encouraged  to  settle  on  the  Egyptian  frontier.  When 
the  Hyksos  were  expelled,  and  Egypt  was  again  ruled  by 
a  native  dynasty,  the  new  kings  would  naturally  be  suspi- 
cious of  the  proteges  of  the  foreign  oppressors. 


24     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

But  even  if  this  theory  is  not  correct,  powerful  tribes 
occupying  the  north-west  frontier  were  obviously  a  danger 
to  Egypt.  The  numbers  of  the  Israelites  increased,  partly 
through  new  accessions  from  the  north  and  east;  at 
any  moment  they  might  be  joined  by  their  kinsfolk  from 
Syria  and  Arabia;  and  Joseph  might  prove  to  be  the 
advance  guard  of  Bedouin  hordes  who  would  sweep  over 
Egypt,  and  again  subject  the  land  to  foreign  rule. 

Hitherto  the  Israelites  had  been  virtually  independent, 
but  now  the  Pharaohs  sought  to  bring  them  into  entire 
subjection  to  the  Egyptian  government.  Ancient  Eastern 
monarchs  sought  to  perpetuate  the  memory  of  their 
greatness  by  splendid  buildings ;  and  these  were  chiefly 
erected  by  the  forced  labour  of  their  poorer  subjects,  and 
especially  of  dependent  races.  Thus  the  services  of  the 
Israelites  were  requisitioned  to  erect  "store-cities," 
Pithom  and  Raamses,  fortified  arsenals,  magazines  and 
depots,  to  serve  as  bases  for  the  defence  of  the  north- 
west frontier.  From  being  a  menace,  the  Israelites  were 
to  contribute  to  the  security  of  Egypt.  Such  labourers 
were  harshly  treated ;  the  monuments  depict  them  engaged 
in  heavy  toil  under  the  rod  of  their  overseers.  Mighty 
kings  sacrificed  lives  recklessly  in  carrying  out  their 
enterprises,  especially  when  the  victims  were  obnoxious 
foreigners ;  so  that  the  new  policy  was  eminently  calculated 
to  break  the  spirits,  diminish  the  numbers,  and  destroy 
the  power  of  the  Israelites.     They,  on  their  part,  hitherto 


ORIGIN    OF    ISRAEL  25 

free  children  of  the  desert,  bitterly  resented  the  humilia- 
tion, drudgery,  and  cruelty  to  which  they  were  subjected. 
Their  lack  of  docility  provoked  greater  severity;  but 
matters  seem  for  a  while  to  have  been  at  a  deadlock : 
the  Israelites  were  not  strong  enough  to  assert  their 
independence,  and  yet  the  Egyptians  could  not  readily 
find  means  to  reduce  them  to  harmless  insignificance. 
The  two  parties  regarded  each  other  with  mutual  dislike, 
distrust,  and  fear.  Such  a  situation  inevitably  led  to 
acts  of  cruelty  and  treachery,  such  as  an  attempt  to 
destroy  the  new-born  Israelite  children. 

Moses. — At  this  crisis  God  raised  up  Moses,  one  of 
those  outstanding  personalities  whose  appearance  makes 
an  epoch  in  history.  According  to  ancient  Israelite 
tradition  preserved  in  the  Pentateuch,  he  was  brought 
up  at  the  Egyptian  court.  His  name  may  be  Egyptian, 
and  the  inscriptions  show  that  noble  youths  belonging 
to  tributary  peoples  were  sometimes  educated  thus, 
partly  as  hostages,  partly  that  when  they  returned  home 
they  might  promote  loyalty  amongst  their  fellow  country- 
men. But  the  feud  between  Egypt  and  Israel  com- 
pelled Moses  to  choose  between  the  two,  and  he  cast 
in  his  lot  with  his  own  people.  At  once  he  was  a 
marked  man ;  it  was  impossible  for  him  to  remain  in 
the  land;  he  fled  into  the  deserts  to  the  north-east; 
and,  like  many  other  refugees  from  Egypt,  sought  an 
asylum  with  the  Bedouin. 


26     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Yahweh. — The  Divine  Providence  led  Moses  to  a 
district  to  the  south  or  south-east  of  Palestine,  variously 
known  as  Sinai  or  Horeb,  where  there  was  a  celebrated 
sanctuary  of  a  deity  known  as  Yahweh.^  There  he  fell 
in  with  the  Midianites;  was  hospitably  entertained  by 
the  Priest  of  Midian,  probably  a  priest  of  Yahweh ;  and 
married  his  daughter.  Midian  was  a  tribe  akin  to 
Israel,  and  was  reckoned  in  the  genealogies  as  a  son  of 
Abraham. 

We  know  little  either  about  the  earlier  history  of 
Yahweh  or  about  His  attributes  at  this  time.  His 
special  seat  was  at  Sinai,  and  His  main  following  was 
doubtless  amongst  the  nomads  who  frequented  that 
district ;  but  it  is  quite  possible  that  He  was  also  wor- 
shipped amongst  other  peoples  and  at  other  sanctuaries ; 
or,  again,  Yahweh  may  have  been  a  title  or  epithet 
of  some  god  known  elsewhere  under  other  names. 
There  is  much  to  suggest  that  He  was  often  thought  of 
as  the  god  of  the  thunderstorm  and  the  hurricane. 

The  Call  of  Moses. — The  critical  decision  to  leave 
Pharaoh's  court  would  naturally  be  taken  in  early 
manhood.  At  this  impressionable  age,  Moses  exchanged 
the  elaborate  and  luxurious  civilisation  of  Egypt  for  the 

^  Strictly  speaking  we  are  only  quite  certain  of  the  consonants 
YHWH  ;  but  Yahweh  is  the  pronunciation  most  generally  adopted. 
The  English  iorva Jehovah  is  due  to  a  mediaeval  blunder;  the 
Hebrew  Divine  Name  was  never  so  pronounced. 


ORIGIN    OF    ISRAEL 


primitive  life  of  the  desert  and  the  desolate  grandeur  of 
the  Sacred  Mountains.  The  court  page  became  an 
Arab  shepherd.  He  had  made  a  great  sacrifice  for  his 
people,  and  had  returned  to  their  old  homes  and  their 
ancient  manner  of  life.  When  such  experiences  befall 
men  of  noble  character  and  ardent  temperament,  the  soul 
is  quickened  to  the  supreme  acts  of  faith  which  grasp 
eternal  truths,  and  the  will  is  determined  to  further 
heroic  resolutions.  So  in  these  days  God  met  him,  and 
he  recognised  the  Presence  in  which  he  stood.  God 
came  to  him  as  Yahweh,  of  whose  name  and  might 
he  had  heard  much  during  his  sojourn  in  Midian  ;  and 
the  purpose  of  His  coming  was  to  send  Moses  to  reaUse 
the  dreams  of  his  life  by  delivering  his  brethren,  in  the 
confidence  that  henceforth  Yahweh  was  the  Champion 
of  Israel. 

The  Exodus. — Thus  Moses,  the  prophet  of  a  new 
faith,  in  an  ecstasy  of  religious  enthusiasm,  betook  him- 
self to  Egypt,  announced  himself  to  his  brethren  as  a 
heaven-sent  deliverer,  bearded  Pharaoh,  and  demanded 
freedom  for  Israel  in  the  name  of  Yahweh.  In  the  East, 
then  as  now,  a  prophet  had  to  be  taken  seriously ;  yet 
the  king  hardened  his  heart  at  first  against  Moses'  appeal. 
But  that  spring  the  natural  plagues  with  which  Egypt 
is  periodically  infested  set  in  with  unusual  severity; 
Egyptian  and  Israelite  alike  saw  in  these  troubles  the 
hand  of  Yahweh ;  and  at  last  the  king  yielded. 


28      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

The  Israelite  clans  set  off  for  Syria,  but  they  were  not 
allowed  to  depart  unmolested.  The  king  recovered 
from  his  fear  of  Yahweh ;  perhaps  the  admonitions  of 
the  court  chaplains  restored  his  faith  in  the  gods  of 
Egypt.  An  army  was  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives, 
and  succeeded  in  hemming  them  in  on  the  shore  of  an 
arm  of  the  Red  Sea.  Again  Yahweh  interposed  on 
behalf  of  Israel.  "Yahweh  drove  the  sea  back  by  a 
strong  east  wind  all  the  night,  and  made  the  sea  dry 
land  .  .  .  and  the  Israelites  went  into  the  midst  of  the 
sea  on  dry  land."  The  Egyptian  chariots  followed,  but 
their  wheels  were  clogged  in  the  heavy  ground  ;  they  felt 
that  Yahweh  was  fighting  against  them,  and  they  turned 
to  flee.  As  the  wind  sunk,  the  water  returned,  and  the 
Egyptians  suffered  heavy  loss;  while  all  the  Israelites 
got  safe  across.^  Henceforth  we  do  not  hear  of  any 
further  danger  to  them  from  their  former  oppressors. 

Sinai. — We  cannot  fix  with  any  certainty  the  route  of 
the  Israelites  after  their  escape.  Somewhat  later  we 
find  them  encamped  for  a  considerable  period  at  a 
Sacred  Mountain,  i.e.  a  sanctuary  of  Yahweh,  variously 
called  Sinai  or  Horeb ;  ^  and  again  at  Kadesh-barnea  ^ 

^  Exod.  xiv.  21,  22,  25,  27,  mostly  from  the  portions  of  the 
narrative  taken  from  the  oldest  source  of  the  Pentateuch.  Cf. 
Professor  Whitehouse's  volume  in  this  series  on  "  The  Books  of  the 
Old  Testament." 

^  Exod.  xix.  I  and  onwards.  ^  Num.  xiii.  26 ;  Deut.  i.  46. 


ORIGIN    OF    ISRAEL  29 

in  the  desert  just  south  of  Palestine.  Evidently  various 
traditions  have  been  preserved  as  to  the  Israelite  head- 
quarters in  this  period ;  but  it  is  not  clear  whether  the 
difference  is  as  to  the  place,  or  merely  as  to  its  name ;  that 
is  to  say,  whether  Sinai  or  Horeb  are  names  for  the  same 
mountain  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Kadesh,  or  whether 
Sinai  and  Horeb  are  places  quite  distinct  from  Kadesh 
and  possibly  from  each  other.  Kadesh,  it  must  be 
remembered,  means  "  Sanctuary." 

Without  attempting,  therefore,  to  solve  the  geographi- 
cal problem,  we  may  content  ourselves  with  noting  that 
the  Israelites  made  their  way  to  the  Sanctuary  of  Yahweh 
where  Moses  had  received  his  call,  and  that  for  many 
years  this  remained  their  head-quarters.  We  must  not, 
however,  think  of  them  as  settled  all  together  in  one 
place  during  this  period ;  they  resumed  the  nomad  life 
which  had  been  only  partially  interrupted  during  their 
stay  in  Egypt.  In  this  district  they  found  kindred 
tribes,  some  of  which  had  been  confederated  with  them 
before  their  sojourn  in  Egypt,  and  may  even  then  have 
shared  with  them  the  name  Bne  Israel,  but  had  not 
accompanied  them  in  their  migration.  The  worship  of 
Yahweh  was  already  known  among  these  tribes. 

The  religious  fervour  of  Moses  and  his  followers  com- 
municated itself  to  some  of  their  kinsfolk  and  former 
allies ;  and  under  its  influence  a  new  confederacy  was 
formed.     The  Head,  Guarantor,  so  to  speak,  and  Bond 


30     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

of  this  union  was  Yahweh.  Its  constitution  was  a 
common  allegiance  to  Him,  and  to  Moses  as  His 
prophet,  and  mutual  loyalty  to  each  other.  The  allies 
became  the  people  of  Yahweh  by  a  solemn  covenant. 

This  act  was  the  formation  of  the  Israelite  nation  ;  the 
name  Israel  was  older,  but  now  for  the  first  time  we 
have  an  organised  group  of  tribes  bearing  that  name 
and  continuously  connected  with  the  Israel  of  later 
days.  Some  of  the  tribes  dropped  out  again,  fresh 
members  were  added  to  the  alliance,  and  other  changes 
took  place ;  but  there  was  always  a  confederate  people 
of  Yahweh. 

The  relation  of  Yahweh  to  Israel  was  similar  to  that 
of  other  tribal  deities  to  their  peoples;  similar,  for 
instance,  to  that  of  Chemosh  to  Moab — the  people  and 
the  deity  formed  an  organic  unity.  But  there  were  also 
important  differences.  Yahweh  had  chosen  Israel  to 
be  His  people ;  He  had  intervened  on  their  behalf  as 
the  champion  of  the  weak  against  the  strong,  of  the 
oppressed  against  the  oppressor;  He  was  not  merely 
the  deity  of  a  single  tribe,  but  the  ra'lying-point  of  a 
confederacy.  His  name  and  His  worship  stood  for  free, 
spontaneous  Divine  grace  ;  for  justice  to  the  oppressed, 
and  succour  for  the  needy ;  and  for  loyalty,  co-operation, 
and  peace  amongst  allies.  Here  were  the  beginnings 
of  the  unique  moral  and  spiritual  development  of  the 
religion  of  Israel. 


ORIGIN    OF    ISRAEL 


This  new  departure  had  its  influence  on  the  forms  of 
worship  and  social  customs  of  Israel.  Moses,  as  the 
Prophet  of  Yahweh,  declared  to  the  people  His  will  in 
such  matters.  But  we  cannot  now  determine  exactly 
what  laws  and  legal  precedents  were  due  to  him ;  later 
tradition  made  him  the  author  of  all  ancient  ordinances, 
and  even  laws  known  to  be  new  were  regarded  as  a 
development  of  Mosaic  principles  and  thus  having  his 
authority,  just  as  many  things  are  regarded  as  "  Chris- 
tian," with  regard  to  which  Christ  said  nothing,  e.g. 
the  observance  of  Sunday.  The  legislation  in  the 
Pentateuch  belongs  to  many  periods  of  Israelite 
and  Jewish  history.  Some  customs  and  rites  older 
than  the  Exodus,  and  others  instituted  at  this  time, 
may  claim  the  direct  sanction  and  authority  of  Moses ; 
but  we  have  not  space  to  attempt  to  say  which 
they  are. 

To  speak  of  Yahweh  as  the  bond  and  rallying-point 
implies  a  common  sanctuary  and  other  sacred  objects. 
It  is  possible  that  for  a  time  the  ancient  sanctuary  of 
Kadesh  served  this  purpose,  but  eventually  the  Israelites 
erected  a  Sacred  Tent,  "the  Tent  of  Meeting,"  some- 
thing much  simpler  than  the  elaborate  Tabernacle  de- 
scribed in  the  latest  section  of  the  Pentateuch,  largely 
from  recollections  of  Solomon's  Temple. 

The  Ark  or  Sacred  Chest  was  as  old  or  older  than 
Moses.     The  Ark  and  the  Tent  of  Meeting  symbolised 


32      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

the  presence  of  Yahweh  with  Israel,  when  they  left  His 
permanent  home  at  Sinai  or  Kadesh. 

The  Wanderings. — The  marchings,  countermarchings, 
and  encampments  of  a  group  of  nomad  tribes  cannot 
be  set  forth  in  a  single  consecutive  history,  and  the 
Pentateuch  makes  no  attempt  to  give  us  such  a  history. 
But  two  main  points  may  be  gathered  from  the  anec- 
dotes preserved  by  tradition. 

Israel  was  involved  in  quarrels  with  other  tribes  occu- 
pying the  deserts  and  pasture-lands  to  the  south  of 
Palestine,  notably  with  the  Amalekites.  Also  the  new 
confederacy,  or  more  probably  some  members  of  it, 
made  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  penetrate  into  Palestine 
from  the  south ;  we  shall  return  to  this  in  the  next 
chapter. 

Also  Moses'  authority  over  Israel  was  frequently  chal- 
lenged, and  was  only  maintained  with  great  difficulty; 
the  Israelites  constantly  "murmured."  Ambitious 
sheikhs  at  the  heads  of  the  several  tribes  were  jealous 
of  the  new  prophet,  and  tried  to  supplant  him ;  and 
representatives  of  old  tribal  cults  resented  the  claim  of 
Yahweh  to  be  the  supreme  God  of  Israel.  Even  Aaron, 
who  according  to  late  tradition  was  the  brother  of 
Moses  and  the  Priest  of  Yahweh,  caballed  against  him. 
Nevertheless  Moses  held  his  own. 

The  Death  of  Moses. — After  a  time  the  hostility 
of    the    neighbouring    tribes    forced    Moses    and    his 


ORIGIN    OF    ISRAEL  33 

followers  to  leave  the  district  of  Kadesh  and  move 
eastwards.  They  skirted  the  land  of  Edom,  thus 
marching  to  the  south  and  east  of  the  Dead  Sea,  and 
finally  established  themselves  in  the  Plains  of  Moab.^ 
There  Moses  died. 

The  very  importance  of  Moses  makes  it  impossible 
to  discover  his  character  as  a  man  ;  the  devout  reverence 
of  Israel  made  him  an  ideal  figure,  the  incarnation  of 
all  that  was  good  and  great — so  much  so  that  some 
scholars  have  mistakenly  doubted  whether  there  ever 
was  such  a  man,  whether  he  was  anything  but  an  ideal 
figure.  All  that  we  can  say  is  that  he  was  a  great 
personality,  supremely  endowed  with  Divine  grace  and 
inspired  with  Divine  wisdom,  raised  up  by  God  to  guide 
Israel  safely  through  a  crisis  in  the  history'  of  Revelation. 

Chronology. — In  spite  of  the  confidence  with  which 
various  scholars  advocate  their  pet  theories,  we  are 
not  yet  in  a  position  to  fix  with  certainty  the  dates 
of  any  of  the  events  in  the  history  of  Israel  in  this 
period ;  but  we  may  mention  one  or  two  of  the  leading 
views  on  the  subject.  Abraham  and  Amraphel  are 
mentioned  as  contemporaries  in  Gen.  xiv.,  and  Amraphel 
is  usually  identified  with  Hammurabi.  This  might 
seem  to  fix  the  date  of  Abraham  ;  but  Assyriologists 
are  not  yet  agreed  as  to  the  date  of  Hammurabi ;  and 

1  Their  conquests  at  this  time  will  be  dealt  with  in  the  next 
chapter. 


34     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

some  scholars    doubt   whether  the  Abraham   episodes 
in  Gen.  xiv.  are  historical. 

In  Exod.  i.  and  ii.  we  are  told  that  the  Israelites 
during  the  Oppression  built  Pithom,  and  Egyptian 
inscriptions  show  that  building  operations  were  carried 
on  there  during  the  reign  of  Rameses  II.,  about 
1 300-1 234  B.C.  Hence  it  is  often  stated  that  Rameses 
II.  was  the  Pharaoh  of  the  Oppression,  and  his  son 
Merenptah,  about  12 34-1 214  B.C.,  the  Pharaoh  of  the 
Exodus.  Such  views,  however,  cannot  be  reconciled 
with  some  of  the  chronological  statements  in  the  Old 
Testament,  or  with  various  items  of  evidence  derived 
from  Egyptian  and  Assyrian  monuments.  Other  dates 
from  149 1  B.C.  to  1200  B.C.  or  later  have  been  held. 


CHAPTER   IV 

THE   CONQUEST   OF   CANAAN:    L— JOSHUA 

AND    THE   JUDGES 

Joshua,   Judges 

Early  Settlements. — In  order  that  we  may  consider 
the  whole  process  of  the  IsraeUte  settlement  in  Canaan, 
we  must  retrace  our  steps  somewhat.  The  Conquest 
was  long  and  compUcated;  it  began  before  the  time 
of  Moses,  and  was  only  completed  by  David.  It  was 
carried  out  in  divers  portions  and  in  divers  manners, 
sometimes  by  national  migrations  and  pitched  battles ; 
sometimes  by  clan  raids  on  a  small  scale;  sometimes 
by  peaceful  alliances,  or  by  agreements  extorted  by 
threats. 

Going  back  to  the  beginnings  of  our  history  we 
may  remind  ourselves  that  the  great  wave  of  emigration 
which  carried  Abraham  and  Lot  from  Ur  and  Haran 
broke  up  when  it  reached  Canaan,  and  Edom  and  Moab 
settled  down  to  agricultural  life.  As  time  went  on 
other  tribes,  practically  Israelite,  followed  their  example. 
These,  together  with  some  of  the  nomad  clans  of  the 
same  group,  remained  in  Palestine  when  the  rest  went 

35 


36     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

down  into  Egypt.  Certain  inscriptions  seem  to  imply 
that,  if  we  accept  Rameses  II,  as  the  Pharaoh  of  the 
Exodus,  there  were  Israelite  tribes  in  Palestine  during 
the  period  of  the  Sojourn  in  Egypt.  A  careful  examina- 
tion of  the  Biblical  narratives  seems  to  indicate  that 
the  Israelites  preserved  vague  traditions  to  the  same 
effect. 

In  an  inscription  of  Thothmes  III.,  about  1481-1409 
B.C.,  we  find  Joseph-el  and  Jacob-el  as  names  of  towns  in 
Palestine.  In  the  Amarna  tablets,  about  1400  B.C.,  we 
find  Palestine  invaded  by  certain  Khabiri^  whohi  some 
scholars  identify  with  the  Hebrews.  In  inscriptions 
of  Seti  I.,  and  of  Rameses  II.,  the  so-called  Pharaoh 
of  the  Oppression,  Asher  is  found  as  the  name  of  the 
district  afterwards  occupied  by  the  tribe  of  Asher. 
Finally  Merenptah,  the  so-called  Pharaoh  of  the 
Exodus,  claims  in  an  inscription  that  he  subdued 
Israel  in  Palestine.  There  is  a  measure  of  doubt  as  to 
the  contents,  especially  the  names,  and  the  translation 
of  some  of  these  inscriptions,  but  the  available  evidence 
points  to  Israelite  settlements  in  Western  Palestine 
before  the  Exodus. 

The  Conquest  of  Eastern  Palestine. — It  is  quite 
possible  that  Israelite  clans,  either  as  nomads  or  leading 
a  settled  life,  were  to  be  found  in  Eastern  Palestine 
from  a  date  even  before  the  Sojourn  in  Egypt;  but 
the  supremacy  of  Israel  in  these  lands  was  due  to  the 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     37 

arrival  of  Moses  and  his  follo-wers,  after  the  Wanderings. 
Earlier  the  ruling  races  had  been  Moab  and  Ammon ; 
but  not  long  before  these  peoples  had  been  driven 
eastwards  by  the  Amorite  or  Canaanite  king,  Sihon 
(Num.  xxi,  26-30).  Moab  and  Ammon  not  improbably 
invited  Israel  to  aid  them  in  recovering  their  lost  terri- 
tories. But  when  the  Israelites  had  overthrown  Sihon 
and  other  rulers  east  of  the  Jordan,  they  kept  most  of 
the  land  for  themselves,  and  thus  became  involved 
in  quarrels  with  Moab  and  Ammon. 

We  shall  refer  later  on  to  various  changes  which 
took  place  in  the  relations  of  Israel  to  Eastern  Palestine. 

ConcLuests  in  Western  Palestine. — The  Bible  pre- 
serves conflicting  traditions  on  this  subject,  which  make 
it  very  difficult  to  arrive  at  anything  like  a  clear  and 
certain  view  of  the  history.  Some  of  the  narratives 
in  Genesis  refer  to  these  events ;  Joshua  itself  combines 
inconsistent  stories,  of  which  one  set  is  reproduced  with 
additions  in  Judges?-  The  statements^  that  united 
Israel  under  the  leadership  of  Joshua  conquered  the 
whole  land  in  two  pitched  battles  and  exterminated 
the  whole  population  are  contradicted  by  the  rest  of 
the   Biblical  narratives,    and  may  be  set  on  one  side. 

^  Judges  i.  The  statement  in  i.  i  that  these  things  happened 
after  the  death  of  Joshua  is  an  unsuccessful  attempt  at  historical 
criticism  by  an  editor. 

-  Joshua. 


38     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

On  the  other  hand,  Judges  i.  preserves  an  ancient  and 
genuine  historic^i  tradition.  Our  information,  however, 
does  not  enable  us  to  discover  the  order  and  relations 
of  the  various  events,  and  what  follows  is  only  given  as 
probable  and  approximate. 

We  are  not  even  sure  whether  the  conquest  was  made 
from  one  base  or  from  two  or  more.  No  doubt  the 
main  strength  of  Israel  was  in  Eastern  Palestine,  but 
we  have  seen  reasons  for  supposing  that  kindred  clans 
were  already  established  west  of  the  Jordan ;  and 
further,  some  scholars  hold  that  certain  of  the  tribes 
advanced  from  Kadesh  either  before  or  after  the  arrival 
of  Moses  and  the  refugees  from  Egypt. 

For  the  present  we  will  deal  with  the  Israelites  whose 
headquarters  were  in  the  Plains  of  Moab.  Probably 
the  main  advance  across  the  Jordan  was  preceded  by 
more  or  less  successful  raids;  but  after  the  death  of 
Moses,  a  large  group  of  tribes  crossed  the  Jordan  under 
the  Ephraimite  Joshua.  Two  tribes,  Reuben  and  Gad, 
remained  in  permanent  occupation  of  the  eastern 
districts,  but  sent  contingents  to  assist  their  kinsfolk. 

Joshua  captured  and  destroyed  Jericho,  the  key  to 
the  passes  westward,  and  advanced  into  the  interior. 
Partly  by  negotiation,  partly  by  force  of  arms,  the  tribe 
of  Joseph  established  itself  in  the  central  Highlands, 
and  captured  and  occupied  Bethel.  At  some  early 
stage  of  the  settlement,  the  tribes  that  had  accompanied 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     39 

Joseph  across  the  Jordan  went,  each  its  own  way,  to 
seek  a  home  for  itself.  What  mutual  help  they  gave 
each  other  we  cannot  say.  Neither  they  nor  Joseph 
met  with  any  very  striking  success;  they  succeeded  in 
occupying  much  of  the  hill  country,  but  the  Canaanites 
still  held  most  of  the  plains  and  valleys,  and  many  of 
the  cities.  "  They  dwelt  among  the  Canaanites,"  and 
sometimes  the  one  party  and  sometimes  the  other  had 
the  upper  hand.  In  this  way  Zebulun,  Issachar, 
Naphtali,  and  Asher  found  a  footing  north  of  the  Plain 
of  Esdraelon  ;  unless,  indeed,  Asher  was  there  already. 
Dan  went  westward  and  tried  to  occupy  a  part  of  the 
maritime  plain,  but  was  penned  into  a  corner  of  the 
mountains. 

Simeon  and  Levi. — Recollections  of  another  episode 
of  these  tribal  wars  are  preserved  in  the  form  of  personal 
narrative  and  reference  in  Gen.  xxxiv.,  xlix.  5-7.  The 
Israelites  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Shechem  had  made 
terms  with  the  inhabitants  of  that  city,  and  were  living 
in  peace  with  them,  when  two  of  the  tribes,  Simeon  and 
Levi,  made  a  treacherous  attack  upon  the  city.  For 
the  moment  they  were  successful ;  but  the  other  tribes 
abandoned  them  to  the  revenge  of  the  Shechemites, 
and  Simeon  and  Levi  were  destroyed  as  tribes.  The 
remnant  of  Simeon  took  refuge  with  Judah,  and  the 
survivors  of  Levi  were  scattered  amongst  the  other 
tribes. 


40      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Judah. — Judah  was  only  loosely  connected  with  the 
rest  of  Israel.  Indeed  it  is  doubtful  whether  in  early 
times  it  was  reckoned  as  strictly  belonging  to  Israel ;  it 
may  have  been  as  much  Edomite  or  Kenite  as  Israelite, 
being  bound  to  the  Israelite  tribes  by  the  common  wor- 
ship of  Yahweh.  At  any  rate,  it  went  its  own  way  for 
many  generations.  It  is  not  clear  when  Judah  broke 
off  from  the  main  body,  whether  at  Kadesh,  or  in  the 
Plains  of  Moab,  or  after  the  passage  of  the  Jordan. 
But  from  one  of  these  points,  the  tribe  set  off  on  a  sepa- 
rate expedition  to  the  southern  Highlands,  being  joined, 
as  we  have  seen,  at  some  time  or  other  by  the  remnant 
of  Simeon.  The  King  of  Jerusalem  sought  to  bar  their 
advance,  but  was  defeated,  and  Judah  established  itself 
in  the  hill  countrv  to  the  south.  The  Kenite  clan  Caleb, 
acting  in  concert  with  Judah,  took  Hebron  and  occupied 
the  surrounding  districts. 

Dan. — The  Danites,  finding  themselves  intolerably 
straitened  in  their  original  settlement  in  the  south,  cast 
about  for  some  better  home.  They  learnt  through  spies 
of  a  city,  Laish,  in  the  extreme  north  of  Palestine ;  and 
the  bulk  of  the  tribe  marched  thither,  captured  the  city, 
changed  its  name  to  Dan,  and  settled  there.  On  the  way 
they  robbed  a  local  shrine  of  its  images  and  its  priest ; 
and  with  them  founded  the  great  sanctuary  of  Dan, 
which  enjoyed  a  special  prestige  from  the  fact  that  its 
priest  Jonathan  was  a  grandson  of  Moses. 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     41 

Ephraim,  Manasseh,  and  Benjamin. — At  some  time 
after  the  passage  of  the  Jordan,  the  important  Joseph- 
tribe  became  subdivided.  Certain  clansmen  who  settled 
in  the  south  of  the  Joseph  district,  between  Bethel  and 
Jerusalem,  became  known  as  the  Bfie  Ytwiin  or  Sons  of 
the  South  or  Southerners,  and  the  clan  came  to  be  spoken 
of  as  Ben  Yamin,  Son  of  the  South,  ^  our  Benjamin.  The 
central  group  of  clans  took  the  name  Ephraim,  "  fruitful," 
from  the  fertile  character  of  their  lands.  Those  further 
north  were  called  Manasseh.  In  time  Ephraim, 
Manasseh,  and  Benjamin  were  reckoned  as  separate 
tribes.  Later  on  some  clans  of  Manasseh  recrossed  the 
Jordan,  some  distance  to  the  south  of  the  Sea  of 
Galilee,  and  occupied  Northern  Gilead;  so  that  we 
speak  of  Western  and  Eastern  Manasseh. 

Reuben. — From  the  terms  in  which  Reuben  is  spoken 
of  in  Gen.  xlix.  3,  4  and  elsewhere,  we  gather  that,  at 
some  time  before  the  reign  of  Saul,  Reuben,  like  Simeon 
and  Levi,  suffered  serious  disasters,  so  tliat  as  a  tribe  it 
disappears  from  the  history. 

The  Situation  at  the  Close  of  the  Migration  into 
Caanan. — In  the  last  section  we  have  passed  beyond  this 
period  in  order  to  show  the  complete  development  of 
the  tribal  system  and  the  final  settlement  of  each  tribe. 
We  will  now  briefly  indicate  the  general  position  when 

^  The  Hebrew  j^wm  means  literally  "  right  hand,"  and  is  used 
geographically  for  "  south." 


42      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

the  migration  into  Canaan  and  the  first  stage  of  the 
Conquest  were  complete. 

The  Israelites  were  established  for  the  most  part  in 
the  hill  country,  and  had  very  largely  arrived  at  a 
precarious  iiiodus  vivendi  with  the  Canaanites,  which 
depended  on  a  balance  of  power  between  the  two  parties, 
and  was  apt  to  disappear  if  either  found  itself  strong 
enough  to  take  advantage  of  the  other. 

The  Israelite  settlements  were  in  four  distinct  groups  : 
to  the  east  of  Jordan,  Gad,  Reuben,  and  later  on  some 
Manassite  clans;  to  the  north,  Issachar,  Zebulun, 
Asher,  and  Naphtali,  and  later  on  part  of  Dan ;  in  the 
centre,  Joseph,  i.e.  Ephraim  and  Manasseh ;  in  the 
south,  Judah,  with  Caleb  and  the  remnant  of  Simeon. 
Two  belts  of  Canaanite  cities  separated  the  northern 
group  from  the  central,  and  the  central  from  the 
southern ;  but  the  Joseph  clans  known  as  Benjamin 
partially  connected  Judah  with  Joseph.  Shechem  and 
its  district  remained  an  enclave  in  the  territory  of  Joseph ; 
and  elsewhere,  even  in  the  districts  coloured  in  maps  as 
Israelite,  there  would  be  Canaanite  towns  and  districts ; 
indeed  the  Israelite  settlements  amongst  the  Canaanite 
population  might  be  compared  to  a  number  of  isles, 
islets,  and  rocks  in  the  midst  of  a  lake. 

Israel  being  thus  scattered  and  divided,  its  social  and 
political  organisation  was  necessarily  of  the  slightest. 
There  was  no  permanent  government  beyond  the  group 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     43 

of  sheikhs  or  elders  in  each  town  or  small  district :  and 
the  Israelites  were  only  able  to  maintain  themselves  in 
the  land  because  the  Canaanites  were  equally  divided. 
Nevertheless  the  union  which  Moses  had  formed  was 
not  wholly  dissolved ;  there  were  still  certain  spiritual 
bonds  between  the  scattered  clans — a  sense  of  kinship 
and  a  common  faith  in  Yahweh.  Again  and  again  a 
revival  of  religious  enthusiasm  enabled  the  Israelites  to 
combine  against  their  enemies. 

The  Judges. — We  have  no  continuous  consecutive 
account  ^  of  the  period  between  the  Settlement  in  Canaan 
and  the  Monarchy  ;  but  the  Book  of  Judges  describes  a 
number  of  disconnected  episodes  which  illustrate  the 
state  of  affairs  at  that  time.  Most  of  these  are  connected 
with  certain  men  and  one  woman  who  are  said  to  have 
"  judged  Israel."  Doubtless  they  were  often  requested 
to  settle  disputes,  but  this  function  was  quite  secondary, 
and  the  "judges"  were  essentially  bold  and  skilful 
captains  who  led  the  people  in  their  wars  with  their 
Canaanite  neighbours  or  amongst  themselves.  They  did 
not  "judge  "  Israel  as  a  whole,  but  usually  a  single 
tribe  ;  nor  did  they  succeed  one  another  like  kings  ;  two 
or  more  may  have  been  "  judging  "  at  the  same  time  in 
different  parts  of  the  country ;  there  were  periods  in  which 
there  were  no  judges ;  and  doubtless  there  were  judges 
of  whom  no  account  has  been  preserved.  Thus  the 
^  Cf.  below,  p.  53,  on  Chronology. 


44      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Moabites  had  occupied  Jericho  and  its  territory ;  Ehud 
assassinated  their  king,  Eglon,  and  collecting  the  Israelites 
from  the  hill  country  of  Ephraim  drove  out  the  in- 
truders. Gideon  led  his  own  clan,  Abi-ezer,  and  his  son 
Abimelech  ruled  over  Shechem.  Jephthah  was  chief  of 
Gilead.  As  for  Samson,  he  was  simply  a  knight-errant : 
there  is  no  sign  that  he  ruled  over  anybody,  least  of  all 
over  himself. 

Before  summarising  the  general  characteristics  of  the 
period,  we  may  consider  briefly  the  two  most  important 
episodes  connected  respectively  with  Deborah  and 
Barak,  and  with  Gideon  and  Abimelech. 

Deborah  and  Barak. — This  story  is  preserved  to  us 
in  what  is  perhaps  the  most  ancient  piece  of  Hebrew 
literature  now  extant,  the  Song  of  Deborah,  a  poem  com- 
posed shortly  after  the  event  it  celebrates.  Before  the 
time  of  Deborah,  the  northern  Israelites  had  been 
reduced  to  great  straits.  They  were  at  the  mercy  of 
the  Canaanites,  who  had  practically  disarmed  them, 
and  plundered  and  harried  them  as  they  pleased.  But 
helpless  as  they  seemed,  Yahweh  had  not  forgotten  or 
forsaken  His  people. 

Deborah,  a  prophetess — that  is  to  say,  an  inspired  and 
inspiring  personality — preached  a  Holy  War  in  the  name 
of  Yahweh ;  the  Fiery  Cross,  so  to  speak,  was  sent  far 
and  wide  amongst  the  Israelite  tribes.  From  many  quar- 
ters they  rallied  to  the  help  of  their  kinsfolk,  Ephraim, 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     45 

Benjamin,  and  Machir^  came  from  the  central  High- 
lands ;  Zebulun,  Issachar,  and  Naphtali  from  the  north. 
But  some  were  recreant — the  eastern  tribes,  Gad  ^  and 
Reuben ;  and  in  the  far  north  Dan  and  Asher. 

The  Canaanites  gathered  under  their  leader,  Sisera, 
to  crush  the  insurrection,  and  the  two  armies  met  in  the 
Plain  of  Esdraelon — 

"  In  Taanach  by  the  waters  of  Megiddo." 

Yahweh  Himself  hastened  from  His  ancient  dwelling- 
place  in  storm  and  tempest  to  aid  His  people. 

"He  went  forth  from  Seir  ; 
He  marched  from  the  lands  of  Edom. 
The  earth  trembled,  the  heavens  also  dropped, 
Yea  the  clouds  dropped  water_, 
The  mountains  ran  with  torrents  at  the  presence  of 
Yahweh. 

The  stars  in  their  courses  fought  against  Sisera." 
Again,  as  at  the  Red  Sea,  Yahweh  rescued  Israel  by 
wind,  storm,  and  floods.  The  deluge  of  rain  turned 
the  plain  into  a  morass,  where  the  Canaanite  chariots 
and  cavalry  became  a  helpless  prey  to  the  light-armed 
Israelites.  Broken  and  panic-stricken,  they  turned  to 
flee  across  the  Kishon,  usually  an  insignificant  brook, 
but  now  swollen  into  a  fierce  torrent,  by  which  the 
fugitives  were  swept  away. 

1  A  clan  of  Joseph,  afterwards  called,  or  included  in,  Manasseh, 
^  Here  described  by  the  name  of  its  district,  Gilead. 


46      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Sisera  fled  alone,  and  sought  refuge  in  the  tent  of 
a  Kenite  sheikh,  but  there  he  was  treacherously  assassi- 
nated by  Jael,  the  sheikh's  wife. 

This  victory  finally  established  the  Israelite  supremacy 
in  Northern  Palestine. 

Gideon  and  Abimelech. — This  narrative  as  it  stands 
is  compiled  from  various  early  documents,  and  has 
been  freely  supplemented  and  annotated  by  late  editors  : 
the  substance  of  the  oldest  tradition  is  as  follows  : — 

The  main  scene  of  these  events  was  the  central 
Highlands  about  Shechem;  and  the  chief  actors  are 
the  Manassite  clan  Abi-ezer  and  its  sheikhs,  and  the 
mixed  Canaanite  and  Israelite  population  of  Shechem. 

The  Eastern  Bedouins,  here  spoken  of  as  "  Midianites, 
Amalekites,  and  children  of  the  East,"  made  annual 
raids  in  Western  Palestine,  driving  off  the  sheep  and 
cattle,  and  wasting  the  land.  The  inhabitants,  Israelites 
and  Canaanites,  disunited  and  at  variance  with  one 
another,  could  make  no  head  against  the  raiders,  and 
hid  themselves  and  the  poor  salvage  of  their  belongings 
in  the  fastnesses  of  the  Highlands.  But  at  last  Yahweh 
raised  up  a  deliverer.  As  He  had  called  Moses,  so 
now  He  called  Gideon  ben  Joash  of  Abi-ezer.  His  own 
brothers  had  been  killed  by  the  Midianites,  and  the 
sacred  duty  of  blood-revenge  stirred  him  to  action. 
"The  Spirit  of  Yahweh  took  possession  of  him,"  and 
he  summoned  his  fellow-clansmen  to  follow  him  against 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     47 

the  Midianites.  Three  hundred  men,  the  whole  fighting 
strength  of  the  clan  of  Abi-ezer,  responded  to  his 
summons.  It  was  too  small  a  force  to  challenge  the 
Midianites  in  open  battle,  and  Gideon  had  recourse 
to  stratagem.  He  stationed  his  three  hundred  about 
the  Midianite  camp  by  night,  with  torches  hidden  in 
pitchers.  At  a  given  signal,  the  Abi-ezrites  smashed  the 
pitchers,  waved  the  torches,  and  shouted.  Roused  from 
their  sleep  by  this  unearthly  din,  the  Midianites  broke 
into  wild  cries  of  terror  and  dismay,  and  fled  headlong, 
with  Gideon's  three  hundred  at  their  heels. 

Pursued  and  pursuers  crossed  the  Jordan,  and  Gideon 
sought  provisions  from  the  Israelite  cities  of  Succoth 
and  Penuel,  but  the  sheikhs  were  too  much  afraid  of 
the  Midianites  to  help  him.  Doubtless,  however,  he 
was  supplied  and  reinforced  from  other  sources.  He 
overtook  the  Midianites,  surprised  and  defeated  them, 
and  avenged  his  brethren  by  putting  to  death  the  two 
Midianite  kings  who  had  been  captured. 

He  returned  home  to  his  native  Ophrah,  and  cele- 
brated his  victory  by  erecting  an  altar  to  Yahweh  with 
an  image  or  ephod  made  out  of  the  spoil. 

His  achievements  secured  him  respect,  deference, 
and  authority  in  his  native  town  and  in  the  neighbour- 
hood— so  far  "  he  judged  Israel." 

When  he  died  his  family  expected  that  they  or  some 
one  of  them  would  succeed  to  his  authority.     Shechem, 


48      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

a  Canaanite  city  with  an  admixture  of  Israelites,  had 
belonged  to  the  sphere  of  Gideon's  influence;  he  had 
taken  a  Shechemite  concubine,  by  whom  he  had  a  son, 
Abimelech.  This  Abimelech,  with  the  help  of  his 
mother's  kinsfolk,  massacred  all  the  rest  of  Gideon's 
sons  except  one,  and  made  himself  not  merely  judge 
but  king  of  the  district.  But  his  reign  was  short  and 
disturbed ;  the  new  title  implied  a  more  stringent 
authority,  and  the  Shechemites  soon  became  restive. 
Abimelech  met  their  turbulence  with  ruthless  cruelty, 
but  he  was  struck  down  in  the  full  career  of  victory 
by  a  millstone  thrown  by  a  woman  from  the  wall  of  a 
besieged  tower ;  and  the  kingdom  fell  with  him. 

Progress  of  the  Conquest. — It  does  not  seem  that 
there  was  any  very  striking  development  of  Israelite 
power  in  the  generations  following  the  settlement.  As 
we  have  seen,  Dan  acquired  territory  to  the  north,  and 
certain  Manassite  clans  in  Bashan ;  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  Reuben  probably  lost  some  districts  to  Moab. 
As  between  Israel  and  the  Canaanites,  it  was  a  sort  of 
tug-of-war,  in  which  each  party  alternately  gains  and 
loses  a  few  inches,  the  advantage  in  the  long  run  being 
with  Israel.  The  victory  of  Deborah  and  Barak  must  have 
added  to  the  territory  over  which  Israel  was  dominant. 
This  victory  reveals  the  secret  of  Israelite  success ; 
the  followers  of  Yahweh  were  liable  to  be  seized  by 
an  access  of  religious  fury,  which  filled  the  clans  with 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     49 

a  spirit  of  unity  and  made  them  irresistible ;  the  Spirit 
of  Yahweh  sprang  upon  their  heroes,  and  endowed  them 
with  superhuman  strength. 

But  the  Israelites  were  also  taking  root  in  the  country 
in  more  peaceful  fashion.  After  all,  they  and  the 
Canaanites  were  kindred  peoples,  and  spoke  dialects  of 
the  same  language;  so  that  even  a  precarious  modus 
Vivendi  prepared  the  way  for  the  absorption  of  the 
weaker  by  the  stronger.  Moreover,  they  had  a  very 
powerful  inducement  to  union  in  their  common  enemies. 
The  Philistines  (of  whom  more  later)  and  Eastern 
Bedouin,  like  the  Midianites,  were  eager  to  plunder  both 
Israelites  and  Canaanites.  Thus  in  many  districts  the 
two  races  gradually  fused  into  one  people :  note,  for  in- 
stance, the  marriage  of  Gideon  with  a  Shechemite,  and 
the  intimate  relations  between  the  Shechemites  and 
their  Israelite  neighbours. 

The  Internal  Relations  of  the  Israelite  Tribes. — The 
first  effect  of  the  Settlement  in  Canaan  was  to  break  up  the 
Israelite  Confederacy  into  its  component  tribes  or  clans. 
No  one  succeeded  to  such  measure  of  authority  as  Moses 
and  perhaps  Joshua  had  exercised  over  the  whole  group 
of  allies.  For  the  most  part  each  tribe  had  conquered 
a  territory  for  itself,  and  henceforth  it  had  to  hold  its 
own  by  itself,  against  hostile  neighbours  and  invaders. 

Simeon,  Levi,  and  Reuben  were  allowed  to  succumb 
to  their  enemies  without  help  from  the  rest  of  Israel. 

D 


50     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Sometimes  there  was  civil  war.  Gideon  sacked  Succoth 
and  Penuel ;  Ephraim  attacked  Jephthah  and  his 
Gileadites,  and  met  with  a  severe  defeat. 

But,  on  the  other  hand,  many  causes  were  working 
towards  the  future  unity  of  the  nation.  In  the  desert 
a  clan  might  wander  from  its  kindred  and  allies,  and 
never  join  them  again,  but  now  such  geographical 
separation  was  no  longer  possible ;  the  tribes  had  given 
up  the  nomad  life,  and  setded  down  permanently  as 
neighbours.  Moreover,  the  conquest  (and  absorption 
of  the  Canaanites  was  gradually  filling  up  the  gaps 
between  the  Israelite  settlements,  and  thus  facilitating 
union  and  mutual  intercourse.  But  the  chief  bond  which 
maintained  a  sense  of  kinship  was  the  common  loyalty 
to  Yahweh.  In  His  name  Deborah  called  the  tribes 
together  for  the  great  struggle  against  Sisera,  and  in  His 
name  the  injured  Levite  ^  appealed  for  vengeance  to  His 
people  throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  the  land. 

But  still  Judah  hardly  belonged  to  the  unity  of  Israel. 
It  was  separated  from  the  other  tribes  by  the  important 
Canaanite  city  of  Jerusalem,  and  had  more  to  do  with 
the  Canaanites  ^  and  Kenites  of  the  south  than  with  the 
Israelites  northward.  Judah  is  not  even  mentioned  in 
the  song  of  Deborah. 

Social  Changes. — The  Settlement  in  Canaan  involved 

1  Judges  xix.  29-xx.  I. 

2  Gen.  xxxviii.  I,  2,  read  as  tribal  history  of  the  period  after 
the  Settlement  in  Canaan. 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     51 

a  radical  change  in  the  life  of  the  people.  With  the 
exception  of  a  few  clans  in  the  south  and  east,  they 
ceased  to  be  nomad  herdsmen,  and  settled  down  in 
fixed  homes  to  cultivate  the  land ;  the  Bedouin  encamp- 
ment gave  place  to  the  homestead,  village,  and  town. 
The  Sojourn  in  Egypt  had  already  given  some  of  the 
tribes  a  taste  for  the  luxuries  of  civilised  life — at  any 
rate  so  far  as  flesh  and  fish,  cucumbers,  melons,  leeks, 
onions,  and  garlick^  were  concerned.  Now  they  were 
brought  into  closer  and  more  intimate  relations  with 
another  form  of  civilisation,  to  which  they  gradually 
assimilated  themselves.  Their  needs  became  more  various 
and  numerous,  and  they  had  to  work  harder  to  supply 
them.  For  a  time  they  were  largely  dependent  in  such 
matters  on  the  Canaanites;  the  commerce  of  Pales- 
tine remained  for  centuries  chiefly  in  the  hands  of 
the  Phoenicians,  but  after  a  while  the  arts  and  industries 
of  civilised  life  developed  among  the  Israelites. 

Religion. — The  one  article  of  the  Israelite  creed  was 
still  that  Yahweh  was  the  Champion  of  Israel,  and  Israel 
was  His  people;  but  the  Settlement  in  Canaan  had 
brought  with  it  a  fuller  revelation  of  the  powers  of 
Yahweh.  His  permanent  house  was  still  at  Sinai,  but  His 
activity  extended  far  out  from  that  centre  ;  He  could 
strike  Pharaoh  on  the  Nile  and  at  the  Red  Sea,  and  Sisera 
in  the  Plain  of  Esdraelon.  He  was  still  the  God  of  Storm 
and  Tempest,  but  He  was  also  Lord  of  Palestine  by 
1  Num.  xi.  4,  5, 


52     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

right  of  conquest,  and  therefore  He  must  be  the  Giver 
of  the  fruits  of  the  earth.  As  the  Deity  of  a  number  of 
practically  independent  states  scattered  over  considerable 
territory  He  was  manifestly  superior  to  a  mere  tribal 
god  worshipped  by  a  single  compact  people  in  a  small 
district  like  Edom  or  Moab. 

On  the  other  hand,  as  Lord  or  Ba'-al  of  Canaan, 
He  was  inevitably  identified  or  confounded  with 
Canaanite  deities  who  bore  that  title.  The  religious 
ideas  and  worship  of  Israel  were  greatly  influenced  by 
those  of  Canaan.  Moreover,  the  local  authority  of  a 
deity  was  almost  an  axiom  in  those  days.  Israelites 
settling  in  a  district  of  Palestine  would  find  the  local 
god  or  Ba'al  in  possession,  so  to  speak,  and  would 
be  honestly  puzzled  as  to  whether  they  could  displace 
him  in  favour  of  Yahweh ;  or  regard  him  as  in  some 
mysterious  way  the  same  as  Yahweh;  or  whether  they 
ought  to  worship  him  as  well  as  Yahweh,  or  even  in- 
stead of  Yahweh.  Sometimes  they  followed  one,  some- 
times another  of  these  four  courses.  But  almost  always 
they  retained  some  measure  of  allegiance  to  Yahweh. 

The  Ark  and  the  Tabernacle  are  ignored  in  the 
history  of  the  judges ;  ^  but  we  read  of  sanctuaries  and 
sacrifices.  The  Israelites  appropriated  Canaanite  shrines 
and  instituted  new  ones  of  their  own.  We  read  of 
sanctuaries  at  Ophrah,  Shechem,  Mizpah,  Dan,  Bethel, 
and  Shiloh,  and  there  must  have  been  a  great  many 
^  Judges  XX.  27  is  a  very  late  note. 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     53 

more.  The  priesthood  and  the  right  of  offering  sacri- 
fices are  not  confined  to  any  particular  family  or  caste ; 
Micah  makes  his  son  a  priest;  Gideon  and  Manoah 
offer  sacrifices.  But  the  priesthood  of  any  particular 
shrine  would  be  hereditary;  thus  the  priests  of  Dan 
traced  their  descent  to  Moses.  Moreover,  there  was 
already  a  feefing  that  Levites  were  specially  fitted  for 
priests;  but  the  origin  of  these  Levites  is  a  disputed 
point.  Some  regard  them  as  the  survivors  of  the  old 
secular  tribe,  others  hold  that  they  had  no  connection 
with  it,  and  that  Levite  here  simply  means  priest. 
Images  of  Yahweh  were  used  in  worship,^  and  the 
example  of  Jephthah  shows  that  under  stress  of  a  great 
emergency  a  human  sacrifice  might  be  offered.  The 
repeated  assassinations  and  other  outrages  show  that 
morality  was  at  a  low  ebb. 

Chronology. — The  periods  in  the  detailed  scheme  of 
chronology  in  Jiidges  were  intended  to  be  consecutive ; 
but  the  scheme  and  its  figures  were  not  part  of  the 
ancient  tradition,  but  were  constructed  by  authors  writing 
many  centuries  after  the  events  happened.  They  are  a 
hond-fide  attempt  at  historical  criticism ;  but  the  data 
at  the  disposal  of  these  authors  were  quite  insufficient, 
so  that  their  scheme  has  no  authority.  We  are  still 
unable  to  say  what  period  is  covered  by  the  events  in 
Judges  ;  but  something  will  be  said  later  as  to  the  length 
of  the  period  between  the  Exodus  and  the  IMonarchy. 
*  Judges  viii.  27. 


CHAPTER   V 

THE  CONQUEST  OF  CANAAN:   U.— SAMUEL, 
SAUL,    AND    DAVID 

I.  AND  IL  Samuel 

The  Books  of  Samuel. — These  books  include  extracts 
from  very  ancient  documents  which  are  of  great  historical 
value,  notably  II.  Sam.  ix.-xx.,  an  account  of  David's 
court  and  family  written  within  a  generation  or  so  of 
the  events  it  narrates.  The  author  has  also  introduced 
other  traditions  from  later  sources  and  less  obviously 
authentic,  e.g.  the  story  of  the  early  life  of  Samuel,  and 
has  added  various  notes. 

The  periods  covered  by  /.  and  II.  Sajnuel  d^ndi  Judges 
probably  overlap.  Eli  and  Samson  may  have  been 
contemporaries. 

The  Philistines. — We  must  now  turn  our  attention  to 
this  people,  who  appeared  upon  the  scene  towards  the 
close  of  the  period  of  the  judges,  and  played  a  large 
part  in  the  history  of  Israel  for  about  a  century. 

The  Philistines,  like  the  Israelites,  were  settlers  in 
Palestine,  probably  coming  from  Crete  or  Asia  Minor ; 
they  first  appear  in  the  country  in  the  reign  of 
Rameses  III.,  about  1202-1170  B.C.,  and  probably 
effected  a  permanent  settlement  in  the  maritime  plain 

54 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     55 

to  the  south-west,  perhaps  while  the  Israelites  were 
winning  territory  for  themselves  in  the  Highlands.  But 
unlike  the  Israelites,  they  were  in  no  way  akin  to  the 
older  inhabitants  of  Syria  and  Canaan.  The  Philistines 
were  Aryans,  perhaps  a  branch  of  the  Greek  stock.  The 
Greeks — not  on  this  account,  but  because  they  first 
became  acquainted  with  the  south-west  of  Canaan — 
called  it  Palestine,  the  land  of  the  Philistines. 

These  invaders  soon  formed  a  compact  state,  consisting 
of  the  territories  of  their  five  chief  cities,  and  occupying 
the  maritime  plain  south  and  east  of  Joppa,  together 
with  part  of  the  adjoining  Shephelah.  These  five  cities, 
Ashdod,  Askelon,  Ekron,  Gath  and  Gaza,  formed  a 
close  and  permanent  confederacy.  Though  the  new 
state  was  of  comparatively  small  extent,  its  unity  and 
homogeneity  made  it  for  the  time  being  the  strongest 
military  power  in  Canaan.  At  this  time  the  maritime 
plain  northward  was  in  the  hands  of  their  kinsfolk  and 
allies;  so  the  PhiUstines  turned  their  attention  to  the 
southern  and  central  Highlands.  There  was  no  under- 
standing between  them  and  the  Israelites,  but  up  to  a 
certain  point  the  operations  of  the  two  sets  of  invaders 
were  mutually  helpful :  the  Canaanites  were  between  two 
fires,  and  were  hopelessly  divided  and  distracted.  But 
two  dogs  gnawing  at  the  same  bone  are  sure  to  quarrel 
before  long;  and  the  time  came  when  the  advance 
guards  of  Israel  and  of  the  Philistines  met.  After  that 
the  history  of  Canaan  for  generations  is  the  story  of  the 


56     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

struggle  between  the  two  for  the  possession  of  the  land. 
At  first  the  Israelites  had  the  worst  of  it :  their  westward 
advance  was  arrested  once  for  all,  and  their  southern 
settlements  became  tributary  to  the  Philistines. 

Samson. — It  is  uncertain  how  far  the  narratives  about 
Samson  are  historical,  but  we  may  regard  them  as  a  true 
picture  of  the  relations  of  Israel  and  the  Philistines 
before  the  time  of  Saul. 

The  first  collision  between  the  two  rival  peoples  is 
over;  the  southern  Israelites  have  acknowledged  their 
inferiority,  and  have  submitted  to  occupy  their  lands 
as  the  tributaries  of  the  Philistines.  The  men  of  Judah, 
who  now  at  last  appear  upon  the  scene,  admit  that  the 
Philistines  are  rulers  over  them.^  The  subjects  and  the 
dominant  race  are  on  friendly  terms  ;  the  Danite  Samson 
goes  to  and  fro  amongst  the  Philistines  unhindered  and 
unmolested,  and  marries  a  Philistine  wife.  It  is  only 
when  his  matrimonial  troubles  lead  him  into  acts  of 
violence  against  his  wife's  kinsfolk,  that  the  Philistines 
interfere  with  him.  Samson  is  a  type  of  the  young 
Israelite  "  bloods  "  who  were  equally  ready  to  feast  with 
the  Philistines  or  to  fight  them,  and  whose  patriotism 
was  sluggish  until  it  was  stung  into  activity  by  private 
grievances.  The  sober-minded  sheikhs  of  Judah  frowned 
upon  Samson's  escapades,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  hand 
him  over  to  the  Philistines. 

^  Judges  XV.  II. 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     57 

Eli. — In  the  story  of  Eli,  the  scene  changes  to  Shiloh 
in  the  central  Highlands  in  the  territory  of  Ephraim. 
Here  we  find  the  Ark,  now  lodged  in  the  permanent 
Temple;  the  Tabernacle,  apparently,  had  finally  dis- 
appeared. We  have  a  vivid  picture  of  the  life  of  a 
sanctuary  in  ancient  Israel  :  the  picture  would  serve,  with 
slight  changes,  for  any  of  the  more  important  shrines  of 
Yahweh  at  that  time,  the  Ark  being  represented  at 
Dan  by  the  ephod,  and  elsewhere  by  similar  sacred 
objects.  The  priesthood  is  a  family  possession,  and  is 
administered  by  the  venerable  Eli  and  his  two  sons, 
assisted^  by  a  young  Ephraimite  named  Samuel,  who 
sleeps  in  the  shrine  by  the  Ark  for  its  better  protection ; 
just  as  in  Exod.  xxxiii.  1 1  the  Ephraimite  Joshua  de- 
parted not  out  of  the  Sacred  Tent.  The  shrine  is 
lighted  by  a  lamp  which  goes  out  at  night.  The  priest's 
dues  were  a  certain  share  of  the  sacrifices  fixed  by 
ancient  custom.  The  inhabitants  of  the  neighbouring 
district  visited  Shiloh  for  worship  and  sacrifice,  especi- 
ally at  a  yearly  festival,  perhaps  after  the  vintage.  At 
such  times  Shiloh  was  the  scene  of  much  social  and 
family  festivity. 

Whether  from  his  personal  qualities  or  his  official 
position  or  both,  Eli  exercised  considerable  influence 
in  the  neighbourhood,  and  is  said  to  have  "judged 
Israel." 

But  the  old  man  had  fallen  upon  evil  days  ;  the  Philis- 
tines, having  subdued  the  south,  were  now  threatening 


58      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

the  central  Highlands,  and  the  Ephraimites  would 
look  for  counsel  and  guidance  to  the  priests  of  Yahweh, 
the  Champion  of  Israel.  But  Eli's  sons  were  high- 
handed, grasping,  dissolute  men.  They  raised  the 
priestly  dues  beyond  what  was  sanctioned  by  ancient 
custom,  so  that  the  shrine  and  its  ministers  were  dis- 
credited. How  could  men  expect  that  the  Spirit  of 
Yahweh  would  spring  upon  His  people  and  fill  them 
with  the  sacred  fury  that  made  victory  certain  ? 

Nevertheless  the  clansmen  gathered  together  and  met 
the  invaders,  only  to  suffer  defeat ;  but  in  default  of  the 
Spirit  of  Yahweh,  at  any  rate  there  was  the  Ark  :  the 
sheikhs  sent  for  this  sacred  symbol,  and  the  two  sons  of 
Eli  bore  it  to  the  camp.  With  this  Palladium  surely 
Israel  must  conquer;  but  they  only  suffered  a  more 
severe  defeat — the  Ark  was  captured  and  the  sons  of  Eli 
were  among  the  slain.  When  Eli  heard  of  the  disaster, 
he  fell  off  his  high  seat  by  the  door  of  the  Temple, 
broke  his  neck,  and  died. 

This  defeat  left  Ephraim  at  the  mercy  of  the 
Philistines;  they  probably  marched  to  Shiloh  and 
destroyed  the  Temple.  At  any  rate  we  hear  nothing 
more  of  it  except  that  its  ruins  were  still  visible  in 
the  time  of  Jeremiah.^ 

The  Wanderings  of  the  Ark. — The  captured  Palla- 
dium was  borne  in  triumph  to  Ashdod  and  placed  in  the 
temple  of  Dagon.  But  Yahweh  could  not  be  insulted 
^  Jer.  vii.  12. 


THE    CONQUEST    OF   CANAAN     59 

with  impunity ;  a  plague  broke  out  in  Ashdod,  the  Ark 
was  sent  from  city  to  city,  and  wherever  it  went  the 
plague  followed  it.  Then  the  Philistines  sent  the 
deadly  trophy  back  to  Israel,  with  rich  gifts  to  propitiate 
its  offended  Deity;  but  still  the  plague  followed  it. 
The  terrified  Israelites  passed  it  on  to  the  Canaanite 
city  of  Kirjath-jearim.  But  now  the  plague  seemed  to 
have  spent  its  force ;  for  the  present  we  hear  of  no  more 
victims  to  the  awful  sanctity  of  this  throne  of  Yahweh. 
At  Kirjath-jearim  it  remained  long  years  in  harmless 
obscurity. 

Samuel. — We  must  now  return  to  Samuel.  Many 
scholars  hold  that  the  traditions  which  connect  him  with 
Eli,  and  later  on  make  him  a  victorious  general,  are  not 
trustworthy.  We  may,  therefore,  confine  ourselves  to 
those  events  of  his  life  which  are  more  certain  and  more 
pubhc;  in  any  case  Samuel  was  an  epoch-making 
personality. 

We  meet  with  Samuel  in  I.  Sam.  ix.  6,  established  in 
an  unknown  city  of  Ephraim  as  a  Man  of  God,  or 
Prophet,  or  Seer.  The  profession  itself  was  not  par- 
ticularly exalted ;  the  seer  was  a  soothsayer  who  might 
be  expected,  amongst  other  things,  to  discover  the 
whereabouts  of  lost  property  for  a  small  fee.  But 
Samuel's  character  and  gifts  had  raised  him  far  above 
the  level  of  an  ordinary  professional  prophet.  Like 
Eli,  he  was  the  most  influential  man  of  his  district ;  the 
guests  did  not  begin  the  feast  till  he  had  blessed  the 


6o      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

food.^  A  later  tradition^  gives  him  a  district  in  the 
south  of  Ephraim  ^  as  the  sphere  of  his  activity,  which 
it  describes  in  the  conventional  phrase  as  "  judging 
Israel."  His  reputation,  however,  was  purely  local;  he 
was  unknown  to  Saul  of  Gibeah  in  Benjamin.  But 
Samuel  had  a  direct  influence  on  the  development  of 
Israel  and  its  religion  beyond  that  of  any  other  judge ;  he 
was  associated  with  the  rise  of  the  prophetical  order,  and 
with  the  establishment  of  the  monarchy.  Both  of  these 
events  are  closely  connected  with  the  struggle  against 
the  Philistines. 

The  Early  Prophets. — The  early  deliverances,  victories, 
and  conquests  of  Israel  were  due  to  devotion  to  Yahweh 
and  confidence  in  His  help.  The  failure  to  resist  the 
Philistines  was  at  once  the  result  and  the  symptom  of 
languishing  faith.  "  The  word  of  Yahweh  was  rare  in 
those  days,  and  visions  were  seldom  seen."  ^  Moreover, 
as  the  older  writers  would  have  put  it,  the  Spirit  of 
Yahweh  did  not  spring  upon  men.  Yet  the  hope  of 
Israel  lay  in  the  renewed  manifestation  of  His  power. 
At  this  time  religious  fervour  began  to  kindle,  not  in  one 
conspicuous  leader,  but  in  bands  of  inspired  men,  or 
rather,  perhaps,  men  who  sought  inspiration,  seeking' to 

1  I.  Sam.  ix.  13. 

2  I.  Sam.  vii.  16  f. 

^  Gilgal  here  is  not  that  near  Jericho  ;  the  Mizpah,  Gilgal,  and 
Ramah  of  this  passage  are  all  to  be  looked  for  in  southern 
Ephraim,  not  far  from  Bethel. 

*  I.  Sam.  iii.  i. 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     6i 

draw  down  upon  themselves  the  Spirit  of  Yahweh. 
Parents  devoted  their  children  to  Yahweh;  Samson 
and  Samuel  are  spoken  of  as  Nazirites  or  devotees, 
and  the  Spirit  responded  and  came  upon  them.  Already 
amongst  the  Canaanites  there  were  the  NebVhn  or 
prophets,  guilds  of  dervishes,  who  excited  themselves 
to  religious  fervour  by  music,  song,  and  dance.  Similar 
bands  appeared  amongst  the  Israelites.  From  the  be- 
ginning the  movement  was  patriotic ;  it  tended  to  stir 
up  in  the  people  the  ecstasy  of  devotion  to  Yahweh 
which  gave  them  victory.  Samuel  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  this  movement ;  he  was  no  more  a  mere  ecstatic 
devotee  than  he  was  a  mere  soothsayer.  Even  from 
the  little  we  are  told  about  him,  we  may  well  believe 
that  he  was  conscious  of  an  inspiration  which  we  should 
now  describe  as  alike  moral,  spiritual,  and  rational ;  and 
that  he  became  a  type  and  ideal  of  the  true  prophet,  so 
that  others  of  the  order  sought  a  similar  inspiration ;  and 
that  thus  another  important  step  was  taken  in  the  process 
by  which  religion  acquired  a  moral  value.  For  the 
moment,  however,  the  most  important  result  was  the 
revival  of  national  vigour ;  a  new  spirit  was  infused  into 
the  people,  and  the  way  was  prepared  for  a  crusade 
against  the  oppressors.  Tradition  credited  Samuel  with 
a  victory  over  them.^ 

Saul. — But   the    compact    organisation    and    steady 
discipline  of  the  Philistines  could  not  be  held  in  check 

*  I.  Sam.  vii.  5  ff. 


62     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

by  spasmodic,  sporadic  outbursts  of  enthusiasm.  Samuel 
saw  that  rehgious  zeal  needed  to  be  reinforced  by  political 
unity  and  secular  authority ;  and  these  were  commonly 
associated  with  the  office  and  title  of  "  king."  He  felt 
no  call  to  assume  such  a  position  himself,  but  waited 
for  Divine  guidance.  A  trivial  incident  brought  the 
future  king  before  him,  in  the  person  of  Saul  ben  Kish 
of  the  tribe  of  Benjamin,  "  a  man  choice  and  goodly ; 
there  was  no  IsraeHte  more  goodly  than  he ;  from  his 
shoulders  and  upward  he  was  taller  than  any  of  the 
people."  ^  After  a  long  and  fruitless  quest  for  some 
strayed  asses  he  came  to  consult  the  Seer  as  to  where 
he  might  find  them.  He  came  on  the  advice  of  a 
servant,  not  through  personal  knowlege.  Inquiring  his 
way  as  a  stranger,  he  met  an  old  man  and  asked  to  be 
directed  to  the  Seer's  house.  It  was  Samuel  himself, 
and  as  he  looked  upon  the  handsome  form  and  fine 
presence  of  the  questioner,  the  Spirit  of  Yahweh  stirred 
within  him,  and  he  answered : — 

"  I  am  the  seer :  go  up  before  me  unto  the  high  place, 
for  ye  shall  eat  with  me  to-day ;  and  in  the  morning  I 
will  let  thee  go,  and  will  tell  thee  all  that  is  thine  heart. 
And  as  for  thine  asses  that  were  lost  three  days  ago,  be 
not  anxious  about  them,  for  they  are  found.  And  for 
whom  is  all  the  wealth  ^  of  Israel  ?  Is  it  not  for  thee 
and  for  all  thy  father's  house  ?  " 

The  reference  to  "  all  that  is  in  thine  heart "  and  to 

^  I.  Sam.  ix.  2.  ^  Lit.  **  that  which  is  desirable." 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     63 

"the  wealth  of  Israel"  shows  that  Saul  had  already  felt 
kindlings  of  patriotic  ambition  not  unmixed  with  visions 
of  personal  dignity  and  splendour.  Saul  made  the  usual 
conventional  reply  of  the  Oriental,  that  he  was  too  utterly 
insignificant  to  be  capable  of  attaining  such  distinction. 

That  night  Saul  feasted  with  Samuel,  and  the  next 
morning  the  Seer  anointed  his  guest  in  the  name  of 
Yahweh  to  be  prince  over  His  inheritance,  and  gave 
him  three  signs,  which  duly  came  to  pass ;  only  the 
third  has  any  special  significance.  It  was  fulfilled 
thus. 

As  he  neared  his  home  at  Gibeah  ^  he  met  a  band  of 
prophets  "prophesying,"  i.e.  abandoning  themselves  to 
religious  ecstasy  by  music,  song,  and  dance.  He  was 
caught  in  the  contagion  of  their  excitement ;  the  Spirit 
of  Yahweh  sprang  mightily  upon  him,  and  he  fell  into 
a  like  ecstasy. 

Soon,  however,  the  Divine  possession  left  him,  and 
he  became,  to  all  appearance,  his  ordinary  self.  He 
went  quietly  home,  and  took  up  his  old  life,  saying 
nothing  to  any  one  of  his  call  to  a  higher  destiny.  The 
man  had  come,  but  his  hour  was  not  yet. 

The  Relief  of  Jabesh-gilead. — He  had  not  long  to 
wait  for  his  opportunity.  The  Ammonites,  under  their 
king  Nahash,  laid  siege  to  Jabesh,  a  city  of  Gilead,  and 
reduced  it  to  extremity.  The  only  terms  on  which 
Nahash  would  allow  the  city  to  surrender  were  that  the 
^  R.V.,  margin. 


64     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

right  eyes  of  the  inhabitants  should  be  put  out.  They 
promised  to  submit  to  this  hard  condition  if  they  might 
be  allowed  seven  days'  respite  in  which  to  seek  help 
from  their  fellow-countrymen.  Nahash  agreed ;  and 
the  men  of  Jabesh  sent  their  messengers  far  and  wide 
throughout  Israel.  They  met  with  no  response  till  they 
came  to  Gibeah,  and  there  the  people  only  heard  them 
with  helpless  wailing;  until  in  the  evening  Saul  came 
from  the  fields  with  his  oxen,  and  as  he  heard  the  grim 
tidings,  the  Spirit  of  God  sprang  mightily  upon  him  ;  he 
hewed  a  yoke  of  oxen  in  pieces,  and  sent  them  through- 
out the  land,  saying — 

"  Whosoever  cometh  not  forth  after  Saul,  so  shall  it 
be  done  unto  his  oxen." 

The  braver  spirits  amongst  the  neighbouring  clans 
responded  to  the  summons ;  Saul  led  them  across  the 
Jordan,  surprised  the  Ammonite  camp  shortly  before 
daybreak,  utterly  routed  them,  and  delivered  the  be- 
sieged city. 

Similar  achievements  had  given  Gideon  and  Jephthah 
the  vague  local  authority  of  a  "judge,"  but  now,  pro- 
bably in  obedience  to  some  Divine  oracle,  directing 
and  giving  definite  form  to  the  popular  enthusiasm,  the 
people  gathered  at  the  sanctuary  of  Gilgal,^  and  with 
solemn  sacrifices  and  much  fasting  Saul  was  anointed 
king.     The  exact  part  taken  by  Samuel  in  these  pro- 

1  Whether  in  the  plain  of  the  Jordan  or  in  Southern  Ephraim 
is  uncertain. 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     65 

ceedings  is  not  clear,^  but  the  formal  recognition  of 
Saul  as  king  may  very  well  have  been  due  to  his 
influence. 

Saul  and  the  Philistines. — But  the  relief  of  Jabesh- 
gilead  was  only  a  prelude  to  the  main  task  of  Saul's 
reign,  the  struggle  with  the  Philistines.  Let  us  glance 
for  a  moment  at  the  situation  at  the  new  king's  accession. 
The  Philistines  had  long  been  dominant  over  Judah 
and  the  south,  and  were  probably  also  supreme  in  the 
central  highlands  and  in  the  territory  of  Saul's  own 
tribe  Benjamin.  At  any  rate,  there  was  a  Philistine 
governor^  in  Gibeah,  Saul's  native  town.  Indeed, 
according  to  one  tradition,  the  Philistines  had  com- 
pletely disarmed  the  Israelites,  so  that  amongst  Saul's 
followers  only  he  himself  and  Jonathan  had  swords  and 
spears.  Probably  the  districts  near  to  the  Philistine 
territory  proper  were  organised  under  Philistine  officials 
and  Israelites  supposed  to  be  loyal  to  their  masters. 
Elsewhere  their  hold  on  the  country  would  be  slighter, 
depending  on  scattered  garrisons  and  casual  raids  for 
the  collection  of  tribute.  Thus  the  Philistines  were 
contented  with  a  partial  military  occupation  of  the 
country ;  they  did   not  settle  it  with  colonies  of  their 

^  I.  Sam.  X.  17-27,  xi.  12-14,  xii.,  in  their  present  form  are  a 
reconstruction  and  interpretation  of  the  history  by  a  late  editor. 
See  "Century  Bible." 

2  I.  Sam.  X.  5,  R.V.  "garrison."  The  difference  is  immaterial ; 
a  garrison  would  have  a  commander,  and  a  governor  would  have 
an  escort. 


66     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

own  people.  This  policy  partly  accounts  both  for  their 
failure  to  hold  the  highlands,  and  for  their  success  in 
maintaining  their  independence  in  the  maritime  plain ; 
they  struck  no  roots  in  Israelite  territory,  but  they  did 
not  weaken  their  home  strength. 

Saul  seems  to  have  lost  no  time ;  immediately  after 
his  election  he  began  to  make  preparations  for  a 
prolonged  struggle.  The  recovery  of  Israelite  independ- 
ence was  a  different  matter  from  the  relief  of  Jabesh- 
gilead ;  it  could  not  be  effected  by  a  single  blow  struck 
by  a  levy  en  ?nasse  made  for  a  special  emergency ;  nor 
could  the  general  levy  of  the  tribes  be  kept  together 
for  continuous  warfare.  Some  sort  of  standing  army 
was  necessary,  and  Saul  selected  3000  men  and  sent 
the  rest  home. 

It  appears  that  the  new  king  was  a  man  in  the  prime 
of  life,  having  a  son,  Jonathan,  already  a  fine  soldier. 
Saul  divided  his  force  into  two  bands ;  he  kept  2000 
about  his  own  person,  and  placed  the  remaining  1000 
under  the  command  of  Jonathan.  They  took  up  posi- 
tions in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bethel,  and  Jonathan 
struck  the  first  blow  by  slaying  the  Philistine  governor 
of  the  district.  The  Philistines  advanced  in  force  to 
suppress  the  revolt,  and  occupied  positions  to  the  south 
of  Saul  and  Jonathan.  The  Israelite  population  retired 
to  strongholds  in  the  mountains,  or  fled  across  the 
Jordan.  Saul's  army  dwindled  down  to  600,  and  he 
and  his  followers,   held  in  check  by  a  detachment  of 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     67 

the  enemy,  were  compelled  to  look  on  while  the  rest  of 
the  Philistines  systematically  laid  waste  the  country. 
At  last  an  act  of  desperate  valour  on  the  part  of 
Jonathan  brought  on  a  general  engagement,  in  which 
the  Philistines  were  routed.  Their  Israelite  auxiharies 
and  camp-followers  turned  upon  their  masters,  and 
the  country  rose  against  them  as  they  fled ;  so  that  the 
large  Philistine  army,  probably  the  bulk  of  their  fight- 
ing strength,  suffered  very  heavy  loss.  Thus,  for  a  time 
at  any  rate,  the  enemies  of  Israel  were  crippled,  and  most 
of  the  subject  territory  regained  its  independence. 

The  contest  was  not  over:  "there  was  sore  war 
against  the  Philistines  all  the  days  of  Saul,"  ^  and  the 
tide  of  war  ebbed  and  flowed  on  the  frontiers ;  but,  on 
the  whole,  Israel  held  its  ground  and  maintained  its 
independence  until  the  fatal  day  of  Gilboa. 

Saul's  other  Wars. — Indeed,  Saul  had  leisure  and 
resources  to  carry  other  wars  to  successful  issues. 
Besides  the  Ammonites,  he  "  vexed  "  the  Moabites  and 
the  Syrians.-  More  especially,  Saul  crushed  the  Ama- 
lekites,  with  whom  Israel  had  an  ancient  feud  dating 
from  the  time  when  the  nomad  tribes  disputed  about 
the  pasture  lands  round  Kadesh.  Zeal  for  the  God 
of  Israel  called  for  the  destruction  of  the  enemies  of  the 
chosen  people;  and  Samuel,  in  the  name  of  Yahweh, 

*  I.  Sam.  xiv.  52. 

^  In  I.  Sam.  xiv.  47,  read  "  Aram"  for  "  Edom  "  ;  the  difference 
in  the  Hebrew  words  is  infinitesimal. 


68     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

bade  Saul  march  southward  and  exterminate  Amalek 
for  His  greater  glory.  Saul  obeyed,  but  with  culpable 
remissness  spared  the  Amalekite  king,  Agag,  and  the 
sheep  and  cattle.  When  Samuel  discovered  these 
omissions,  he  sternly  rebuked  Saul,  and  "  hewed  Agag 
in  pieces  before  Yahweh." 

It  is  possible  that  Samuel  had  been  inclined  to 
regard  Saul  as  his  nominee,  and  to  dictate  to  him. 
Saul  would  resent  such  interference;  and  so  this 
incident  was  the  occasion  of  a  final  breach  between 
them.  Later  writers  traced  Saul's  subsequent  mis- 
fortunes to  Yahweh's  displeasure  at  the  king's  undue 
humanity. 

The  New  Kingdom. — We  must  briefly  consider  Saul's 
internal  administration,  remembering  throughout  that 
there  was  very  little  administration  of  any  kind  in  the 
modern  sense.  The  idea  of  kingship  in  Israel  was  not 
altogether  new ;  Abimelech,  as  we  have  seen,  had  made 
a  brief  and  disastrous  experiment  on  a  small  scale. 
Saul's  reign  was  on  an  altogether  different  level ;  under 
him  Israel  made  a  great  step  towards  unity. 

At  the  same  time  we  must  not  even  now  think  of 
Israel  as  forming  a  compact  state  like  the  Philistine 
confederacy.  Saul's  strength  mainly  rested  on  his  own 
tribe  of  Benjamin,  together  with  neighbouring  clans 
belonging  to  Ephraim  and  Judah.  Contingents  and 
volunteers  would  come  to  him  from  the  other  tribes, 
especially   those  in  the  central  highlands  and   east  of 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     69 

Jordan ;  and  all  would  send  him  presents  and  perhaps 
make  some  formal  acknowledgment  of  him  as  king. 
All,  too,  would  seek  his  aid  against  hostile  neighbours ; 
the  wars  with  ]\Ioab  and  Ammon  were  undertaken  in 
the  interests  of  the  eastern  tribes ;  and  Saul  may  have 
fought  with  Aram  in  defence  of  either  Bashan  and 
Gilead  or  Asher,  Naphtali  and  the  northern  Dan. 

The  object  of  the  people  in  electing  Saul  was  to 
provide  themselves  with  a  military  organisation,  especi- 
ally a  permanent  commander-in-chief :  the  only  minister 
of  Saul's  that  we  hear  of  is  Abner,  the  "  captain  of  the 
host " ;  and  the  chief  thing  that  ancient  tradition  tells 
us  of  his  methods  of  government  is  that  he  enlisted  in 
his  following  every  promising  recruit  he  could  find.^ 
There  is  no  sign  that  he  organised  any  civil  administra- 
tion ;  the  old  self-government  of  the  tribes,  clans,  and 
towns  continued.  So  far  as  Saul  exercised  any  authority 
in  districts  where  he  was  not  himself  present  with  an 
armed  force^  it  would  be  through  the  local  sheikhs,  not 
through  officials  of  his  court.  The  king  would  certainly 
be  called  upon  to  settle  disputes. 

The  Defeat  on  Mount  Gilboa. — A  deepening  gloom 
gathered  about  Saul's  later  years ;  the  long  indecisive 
war  with  the  Philistines  wore  out  the  enthusiasm  and 
strained  the  mutual  confidence  of  king  and  people. 
The  quarrel  with  Samuel  alienated  the  zealots  through 
whom  the  spirit  of  Yahweh  possessed  the  warriors  of 
^  I.  Sam.  xiv.  52. 


70     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Israel.  In  Saul  himself  that  spirit  was  no  longer  a  guide 
and  an  inspiration,  but  a  brooding  darkness,  goading 
him  to  madness.  The  music  and  the  friendship  of 
David  of  Bethlehem,  minstrel  and  knight-errant,  gave 
him  relief  for  a  time;  while  David's  prowess  gave  a 
more  favourable  turn  to  the  Philistine  war.  But  Saul's 
melancholy  returned,  and  brought  with  it  fits  of  jealousy 
towards  the  young  hero,  till  at  last  David  fled  first  to 
the  wilderness,  and  then  to  the  PhiHstines.  At  the  same 
time  the  breach  between  Saul  and  the  devotees  of 
Yahweh  was  widened;  the  king  massacred  a  whole 
guild  of  priests  ^  on  the  charge  of  aiding  and  abetting 
David,  to  whom  the  sole  survivor  fled.  Hence  in  Saul's 
extremity,  when  he  sought  to  inquire  of  Yahweh,  he 
could  obtain  no  answer  either  by  prophets,  or  by  dreams, 
or  by  the  sacred  lot. 

Then  the  Philistines  made  a  supreme  effort  to  break 
down  the  resistance  of  Israel.  This  time  they  adopted 
a  new  strategy  :  instead  of  making  a  direct  attack  on 
the  strongholds  of  the  central  highlands,  they  marched 
along  the  sea-coast  and  penetrated  to  the  plain  of 
Esdraelon.  Saul  marched  to  meet  them,  and  fought  a 
pitched  battle  under  Mount  Gilboa :  the  Israelites  were 
utterly  defeated,  and  Saul  and  his  sons  were  slain. 
Thus  the  Philistine  supremacy  over  western  Palestine 
was  re-established. 

The   Character  and   Work  of  Saul. — We  must   re- 

'^  I.  Sam.  xxii. 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     71 

member  that  all  the  documents  which  offer  us  information 
about  Saul  have  been  edited  by  writers  to  whom  David 
was  an  ideal  saint,  poet,  and  king.  Nevertheless  the 
first  king  of  Israel  remains  a  great  and  tragic  figure. 
His  success  and  his  ruin  were  alike  due  to  his  suscepti- 
bility to  religious  excitement,  which  sometimes  roused 
him  to  passionate  all-conquering  zeal  for  Yahweh  and 
His  people,  and  at  other  times  plunged  him  into  a 
reckless  despair  in  which  he  struck  savagely  at  real  or 
imaginary  enemies.  When  we  remember  that  Samuel 
called  this  dangerous  gift  into  action,  we  may  feel  that 
he  was  responsible  for  directing  it.  The  irritable  and 
suspicious  depression  of  Saul's  later  years  must  have 
been  partly  due  to  the  opposition  of  the  prophets ;  if 
Samuel  and  his  followers  had  had  more  patience  with 
Saul,  the  crimes  and  tragedies  that  closed  his  reign 
might  have  been  averted. 

His  defeat  and  death  seemed  to  undo  his  work,  and 
to  leave  matters  where  they  were  at  his  accession.  Yet 
his  failure  had  made  David's  success  possible.  He  had 
accustomed  the  people  to  a  monarchy ;  for  several  years 
the  king  had  given  them  independence  and  a  measure 
of  safety  and  victory,  and  had  shown  them  that  it  was 
possible  to  hold  the  Philistines  at  bay.  And  all  this 
had  been  done  in  the  name  of  Yahweh. 

David. — In  David  and  his  family  the  tribe  of  Judah 
reappears  as  an  important  factor  in  the  history  of  Israel. 
He  seems  to  have  come  of  a  warrior  stock  ;  his  brothers 


72     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

and  cousins  were  able  soldiers  and  captains.  He  him- 
self was  a  man  of  many  gifts  and  graces,  a  magnetic 
personality,  winning  popularity  by  a  charm  of  manner, 
and  maintaining  it  by  kindness  and  generosity ;  a  man 
of  some  culture,  musician  and  poet ;  at  the  same  time 
endowed  with  personal  bravery,  some  skill  as  a  leader ; 
and  also  possessed  of  a  measure  of  statesmanship.  His 
personal  charm  was  perhaps  the  chief  secret  of  his 
success :  it  inspired  his  followers  with  confidence  and 
enthusiasm  ;  and  it  secured  the  loyalty  and  devotion  of 
lieutenants  who  were  sometimes  stronger  and  more 
capable  than  David  himself.  At  the  outset  of  his 
career,  he  won  the  favour  of  Saul  and  the  friendship  of 
his  son  Jonathan,  and  made  himself  popular  with  the 
people.  When  he  fell  into  disgrace  with  Saul,  he  became, 
like  Jephthah,  a  captain  of  banditti  in  the  unsettled 
frontier  districts.  Later  on,  he  took  service  with  the 
Philistine  leader,  Achish,  king  of  Gath,  who  made  him 
warden  of  the  southern  frontier,  and  gave  him  Ziklag 
for  his  headquarters.  There  David  was  practically  a 
tributary  prince,  with  a  personal  following  of  his  own. 

These  vicissitudes  provided  David  with  an  admirable 
training  for  his  future  career  ;  the  camps  of  Saul  and 
of  Achish  were  advanced  schools  of  arms  for  those  days ; 
and  at  the  court  of  Gath  he  might  learn  something  of 
civil  administration. 

David  at  Hebron. — The  catastrophe  of  Gilboa  found 
David  in  a  position  to  take  full  advantage  of  the  all  but 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     73 

extinction  of  the  house  of  Saul.  The  opportune  jealousy 
of  the  Philistine  chiefs  had  saved  David  from  the  necessity 
of  fighting  against  his  fellow-countrymen.  He  had  used 
his  position  at  Ziklag  to  establish  friendly  relations  with 
Judah  and  the  kindred  Kenite  clans.  For  this  reason, 
and  because  he  was  a  fellow-tribesman,  Judah  would 
naturally  look  to  him  as  a  leader;  and  on  the  other 
hand  the  favourite  of  Achish  would  be  acceptable  to  the 
Philistines.  David  therefore  occupied  Hebron,  and  there 
the  men  of  Judah  anointed  him  their  king. 

Meanwhile  the  Israelite  commander-in-chief,  Abner, 
had  set  up  Saul's  son  Ishbaal  ^  as  king,  with  his  capital 
at  Mahanaim,  east  of  the  Jordan,  and  there  ensued  a 
long  struggle  between  the  rival  kings.  Probably  Ishbaal 
and  Abner  also  acknowledged  the  Philistine  supremacy, 
and  the  suzerain  power  looked  on  with  equanimity  at  a 
civil  war  which  promised  to  drain  Israel  of  its  fighting 
strength,  and  leave  it  more  than  ever  at  the  mercy  of 
its  oppressors. 

Joab. — In  this  period  Joab  first  appears  in  the  history, 
and  remains  till  the  last  days  of  David,  "  the  power  be- 
hind the  throne."  Joab,  Abishai,  and  Asahel  were  the 
sons  of  Zeruiah,  David's  sister.  Abishai,  and  probably 
the  other  two,  joined  David  after  his  flight  from  Saul. 
Joab  was  a  commoner,  coarser  type  than  either  Saul  or 
David,    a  brave  soldier  and  an  able  captain.     Besides 

^  Ishbosheth,  "  Man  of  Shame,"  is  a  corruption.  The  "  baal"  in 
Ishbaal  is  a  title  of  Yahweh. 


74      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

courage,  he  had  the  other  primitive  virtue  of  loyalty  to 
his  kinsfolk,  and  he  served  David  with  a  devotion  un- 
trammelled by  inconvenient  scruples. 

When  we  first  read  of  his  achievements  he  is  in  com- 
mand of  David's  forces,  and  defeats  Abner,  Ishbaal's 
general ;  and  in  the  Hst  of  David's  ministers  Joab  is 
captain  of  the  host — i.e.  commander-in-chief.  The  mili- 
tary achievements  of  David's  reign  were  largely  due  to 
Joab ;  the  uncle  would  neither  have  attained  his  throne 
nor  kept  it  without  his  nephew's  help.  Moreover,  in 
the  present  form  of  the  story,  David  has  the  exceptional 
good  fortune,  that  the  men  who  stood  in  his  way,  like 
Saulj  Abner,  and  Ishbaal,  are  removed  by  the  spontaneous 
action  of  Joab  and  others  ;  the  king  incurs  no  responsi- 
bility. 

David,  King  of  Israel. — As  the  civil  war  went  on,  the 
balance  inclined  more  and  more  in  favour  of  David. 
Abner  was  probably  getting  old  and  weary  of  an  end- 
less task,  and  somewhat  impatient  of  the  king  who  was 
nominally  his  master.  His  overbearing  attitude  towards 
Ishbaal  led  to  a  scene  of  angry  recrimination  between 
them ;  and  Abner  felt  it  was  time  to  make  his  peace 
with  David.  He  visited  the  king  of  Judah  at  Hebron, 
and  arranged — doubtless  for  some  suitable  reward — that 
the  tribes  which  supported  Ishbaal  should  transfer  their 
allegiance  to  David.  But  on  his  way  back  he  was 
treacherously  slain  by  Joab,  in  revenge  for  the  death 
of  Asahel,    whom  Abner  had  killed  in  battle.     David 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     75 

repudiated  all  responsibility  for  this  act,  gave  Abner  a 
state  funeral,  and  composed  a  lamentation  for  him  ;  but 
he  did  not  venture  to  punish  Joab. 

After  the  death  of  Abner,  the  cause  he  had  so  long 
supported  was  hopeless  ;  and  Ishbaal  was  promptly  assas- 
sinated by  two  of  his  officers,  who  expected  a  liberal 
recompense  from  David.  This  time,  however,  he  not  only 
repudiated  the  crime,  but  also  put  the  assassins  to  death. 

Now  all  internal  obstacles  were  removed,  and  the 
Israelite  sheikhs  came  to  Hebron,  and  made  a  "covenant" 
with  David  by  which  he  became  king  of  Israel.  This 
covenant  implies  terms  and  conditions  ;  we  are  not  told 
what  they  were,  but  doubtless  they  safeguarded  the  rights 
and  authority  of  the  tribal  chiefs  and  other  local  leaders. 

David  and  the  Philistines. — The  collapse  of  Ishbaal's 
power  and  the  reunion  of  Israel  under  David  came  about 
so  suddenly  that  it  took  the  Philistines  by  surprise,  and 
they  had  no  time  to  interpose  while  the  negotiations 
were  going  on.  Probably,  too,  David  took  care  to  give 
them  frequent  assurances  of  his  continued  loyalty,  with- 
out informing  them  of  the  new  turn  affairs  had  taken  or 
asking  their  consent  to  the  extension  of  his  authority. 
His  conduct  was  as  much  a  casus  belli  as  if  the  ruler  of 
a  native  state  in  India  should  assume  the  government 
of  a  neighbouring  district  without  consulting  the  English 
authorities.  Hence,  when  the  PhiUstines  heard  what 
had  happened,  they  poured  an  overwhelming  force  into 
Judah,   and    David  was    compelled  to  retreat  to  some 


76     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

strong  position  in  the  highlands,  whence  he  succeeded 
in  inflicting  severe  blows  upon  the  enemy. 

We  are  not  told  much  about  this  war ;  but  it  is  clear 
that  David  made  Israel  permanently  independent  of  the 
Philistines  ;  but  that,  on  the  other  hand,  the  Philistines 
■did  not  become  subject  to  Israel.  The  war  was  probably 
terminated  by  a  treaty  ;  ^  David's  personal  relations  with 
Achish  and  his  court  would  facilitate  some  arrangement. 

David's  other  Wars. — David's  next  most  important 
achievement  was  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  from  the 
Jebusites.  This  does  not  seem  to  have  taken  place  till 
the  chief  stress,  at  any  rate,  of  the  Philistine  war  was 
over. 2  The  city  was  carried  by  an  assault,  led  by  Joab, 
who  was  rewarded  by  being  made  captain  of  the  host, 

David,  sometimes  in  person,  sometimes  through  Joab, 
also  carried  on  successful  wars  with  his  other  neighbours, 
Moab,  Edom,  Ammon,  and  the  Syrians. 

David's  last  years. — The  declining  years  of  David's 
life  were  hardly  happier  than  those  of  Saul.  His  own 
sin  with  Bathsheba  and  murder  of  Uriah,  was  followed 
by  similar  crimes  in  his  own  family.  His  favourite  son 
Absalom  slew  his  brother  Amnon  in  revenge  for  an 
outrage  against  his  sister  Tamar,  and  was  driven  into 
exile.  After  his  recall  he  organised  a  rebellion,  and 
succeeded  in  occupying  Jerusalem  and  western  Palestine. 
But  David  escaped  across  the  Jordan  :  Absalom  followed 

1  II.  Sam.  viii.  probably  does  not  mean  more  than  this. 
-  A  careful  examination  shows  that  the  narrative  in  Samuel  is 
placed  too  early. 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     77 

him,  and  was  defeated  and  slain  by  Joab.  The  IsraeUtes 
were  induced  to  restore  David  to  the  throne,  and  Amasa, 
Absalom's  general,  was  given  Joab's  post.  A  new  revolt, 
however,  broke  out,  and  Joab  took  advantage  of  Amasa's 
delay  in  acting  to  assassinate  him,  and  resume  the  office 
of  captain  of  the  host.  He  then  promptly  suppressed 
the  revolt. 

David's  last  years  were  further  embittered  by  court 
and  harem  intrigues  for  the  succession.  His  eldest  son, 
Adonijah,  tried  to  get  himself  proclaimed  king  w^hile 
his  father  was  still  living,  but  Bathsheba,  supported  by 
Nathan  the  prophet,  induced  David  to  proclaim  her  son 
Solomon  king,  and  Adonijah's  movement  collapsed. 

David's  Dominions. — David  completed  the  political 
task  which  Moses  had  begun.  Moses  had  formed  the 
tribes  into  a  confederacy ;  David  united  them  in  a  single 
organised  state,  holding  a  compact,  continuous  territory. 
Hitherto  one  great  bar  to  unity  had  been  the  Jebusite 
possession  of  the  strong  fortress  of  Jerusalem  and  its 
territory.  David's  capture  of  this  city  joined  the  cen- 
tral tribes  to  Judah.  Probably  he  also  brought  other 
Canaanite  districts  under  his  authority.  But  as  the  ac- 
counts of  the  Philistine  wars  are  silent  as  to  any  trouble 
with  the  Canaanites,  it  seems  that,  for  the  most  part,  the 
Canaanites  had  felt  the  new  invaders  to  be  their  enemies, 
and  had  made  common  cause  with  Israel,  so  that  these 
wars  had  assisted  the  absorption  of  the  old  population. 

There  was,  however,  no  further  extension  of  Israelite 


78     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

territory  in  the  strict  sense  ;  no  new  settlements  were 
made.  The  maritime  plain  remained  for  the  most  part 
in  the  hands  of  the  Philistines  and  Phcenicians.  It  is 
true  that  Moab,  Edom,  Damascus,  and  some  other 
territories  were  conquered  in  the  same  sense  that  the 
Philistines  conquered  Israel ;  they  paid  tribute,  and  the 
lands  were  partly  occupied  by  Israelite  garrisons.  But  such 
conquests  are  lost  much  more  easily  than  they  are  made. 

David's  Army. — Saul  had  organised  a  kind  of  stand- 
ing army  and  appointed  a  "  captain  of  the  host : " 
David  maintained  these,  and  added  to  them  a  corps  of 
foreign  mercenaries,  "the  Cherethites  and  Pelethites," 
largely  Philistines,  whom  he  formed  into  a  separate 
command  under  a  "  captain,"  who  seems  to  rank  with 
the  captain  of  the  host. 

Such  a  body  made  the  king  less  dependent  on  popular 
favour ;  it  was  largely  by  means  of  the  mercenaries  that 
David  suppressed  the  revolts  at  the  close  of  his  reign. 
The  value  of  the  corps  was  at  once  appreciated,  and  it 
became  a  permanent  institution  in  Judah. 

David's  Ecclesiastical  Policy. — All  Israelites  reckoned 
themselves  true  worshippers  of  Yahweh,  but  we  have 
seen  that  Samuel  associated  himself  with  the  ecstatic 
prophets  in  support  of  a  special  tradition  as  to  the 
service  and  worship  of  Yahweh.  We  cannot  now  define 
the  exact  difference  between  this  party  ^ — which  we  may 

^  "Party  "is  too  definite,  but  the  matter  cannot  be  put  more 
accurately  in  a  brief  summary. 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     79 

call  the  Zealots — and  the  rest  of  Israel,  but  it  probably 
stood  for  a  more  exclusive  devotion  to  Yahweh  and  for 
more  ethical  and  spiritual  views  of  religion.  When  the 
Zealots  broke  with  Saul,  they  attached  themselves  to 
David.  Even  as  a  captain  of  banditti  and  an  auxiliary 
of  the  Philistines,  David  had  a  priest  and  oracle  of 
Yahweh  in  his  camp,  when  Saul  could  not  obtain  an 
answer  from  Him  by  any  of  the  recognised  means. 
After  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  he  further  strengthened 
his  position  by  establishing  a  royal  chapel  or  shrine  in 
his  new  capital,  to  which  he  brought  the  ark,  the  most 
sacred  object  which  Israel  possessed.  More  fortunate 
than  Saul,  David  was  not  overshadowed  by  any  great 
ecclesiastics  like  Samuel  controlling  the  religious  forces 
of  the  time ;  and  he  was  careful  to  prevent  any  central- 
ising of  sacerdotal  authority  in  a  single  hand.  His 
royal  chapel  was  not  only  served  by  Abiathar,  of  the 
house  of  Eli,  the  priesthood  of  the  ark,  but  also  by 
Zadok,  of  some  other  family,  by  some  of  David's  own 
sons,  and  by  a  certain  Ira  the  Jairite.  Moreover  there 
were  two  prophets  attached  to  the  court,  Nathan  and 
Gad.  This  royal  sanctuary,  possessing  the  ark,  and 
served  by  a  numerous  and  influential  priesthood,  must 
at  once  have  become  important ;  and,  for  the  time 
at  any  rate,  it  was  a  bulwark  of  the  throne,  as  David 
intended  it  should  be.  Its  priests  gave  him  valuable 
help  against  Absalom. 

The  Internal  Administration. — David  reigned  for  forty 


8o     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

years,  and  for  a  large  portion  of  that  time  he  was  able 
to  keep  the  territory  of  Israel  free  from  invaders.  Thus 
he  had  leisure,  resources,  and  opportunity  to  organise 
the  civil  government  of  the  country.  There  is  no  reason 
to  suppose  that  David  attempted  to  replace  the  old  local 
authorities  by  a  centralised  administration,  but  probably 
the  sheikhs  were  more  really  subordinate  to  the  king, 
and  royal  officers  were  associated  with  them  for  special 
purposes.  This  is  partly  suggested  by  the  list  of  David's 
ministers,  which  is  much  more  extensive  than  that  of 
Saul.  In  addition  to  the  captains  and  priests,  we  meet 
with  a  recorder  {mazkir),  sometimes  supposed  to  be  the 
court  historian,  but  more  probably  a  chief  adviser  or 
grand  vizier  ;  with  a  scribe  or  secretary  {sopher)^  and  also 
with  an  officer  over  the  corvee  or  forced  labour.^  The 
king  also  acted  as  a  supreme  court  of  appeal. 

David  and  his  Work. — Like  most  successful  rulers, 
David  owed  much  to  circumstance  and  to  his  officers 
and  ministers.  It  is  even  doubtful  whether  he  can  be 
credited  with  knowledge  of  men  and  wise  selection  of 
agents.  These  seem  to  have  been  mostly  provided  for 
him  by  family  relationship  and  the  conditions  of  secular 
and  ecclesiastical  politics.  Joab  was  his  nephew,  and 
Abiathar  the  priest  came  as  a  refugee  to  his  camp.  When 
David  acted  for  himself  in  such  matters,  as  in  the  case 
of  Abner  and  Amasa,  he  was  not  particularly  successful. 

^  R.V.  "  tribute";  but  the  word  means  labour  exacted  without 
payment,  though  possibly  food  was  supplied. 


THE    CONQUEST    OF    CANAAN     8i 

The  great  changes,  therefore,  of  this  reign  were  the 
work  of  a  group  of  whom  David  was  the  most  conspicuous, 
but  perhaps  not  the  most  influential,  member.  How 
much  was  due  to  him  we  cannot  say,  but  a  large  share 
must  be  ascribed  to  his  wisdom  and  experience,  to  his 
tact  and  geniality  and  patriotism,  and  to  his  thorough 
sympathy  with  the  zealots  in  their  devotion  to  the  moral 
and  spiritual  interests  of  Israel.  David  was  the  man 
after  Yahweh's  own  heart. 

These  changes  were  of  supreme  importance  :  by  suc- 
cessful wars,  by  internal  organisation  of  the  state,  and 
by  the  establishment  of  the  strong  fortress  of  Jerusalem 
as  the  civil  and  religious  capital,  the  independence  of 
the  chosen  people  was  secured  for  centuries ;  and  thus 
Israel  was  preserved  to  be  the  organ  of  Divine  revelation. 

David's  character  was  exceptionally  high  for  his  times. 
It  is  doubtful  whether  we  can  credit  him  with  the  mystic 
piety  of  the  psalms  which  a  late  tradition  has  associated 
with  his  name ;  but  he  stands  in  the  succession  of  in- 
spired men  who  welcomed  growing  light  and  larger 
knowledge  on  the  ways  of  God.  In  his  private  life,  his 
sins  were  those  of  his  time  and  station ;  but  his  penitence 
and  his  virtues  were  his  own.  He  was  a  loyal  friend 
and  generous  foe.  We  see  him  at  his  best  in  his 
dealings  with  Saul  and  Jonathan,  when  he  spares  the 
sleeping  king  ;  when  he  laments  his  fallen  prowess  ;  when 
he  protects  and  cherishes  the  son  of  Jonathan, 


CHAPTER   VI 
SOLOMON 

I.  Kings  i.~xi. 

External  Politics  and  Commerce. — Solomon  reaped 
the  fruit  of  the  long  wars  waged  by  David ;  he  inherited 
a  strong  compact  state,  assured  of  its  own  independence, 
and  exercising  suzerainty  over  several  of  its  neighbours. 
The  new  king  did  not  attempt  any  further  conquests, 
and  during  the  early  years  of  his  reign  the  extent  of 
the  Israelite  dominion  and  its  relation  to  other  states 
remained  substantially  unchanged. 

The  king  of  Israel  was  now  important  enough  to  be 
allowed  to  marry  an  Egyptian  princess,  and  her  father 
captured  the  Canaanite  city  of  Gezer  and  presented  it 
to  his  son-in-law.  This  new  acquisition  completed  the 
Israelite  conquest  of  Canaan. 

Solomon  was  also  allied  with  Hiram  of  Tyre,  and 
bartered  the  wheat  and  oil  of  Palestine  for  timber  and 
the  services  of  skilled  artisans.  A  more  doubtful  bargain 
was  the  sale  of  twenty  cities  of  Galilee  for  120  talents 
of  gold.^  The  two  kings  were  also  associated  in 
trading  expeditions  by  sea  to  Ophir,  perhaps  Eastern 

'  I.  Kings  ix.  10-14. 
82 


SOLOMON  Ss 


Arabia.  Moreover,  there  was  active  commercial  inter- 
course with  Egypt  and  elsewhere.  The  royal  ventures 
were  supplemented  by  private  enterprise ;  large  quan- 
tities of  gold,  silver,  spices,  timber,  and  other  foreign 
wares  were  imported,  so  that  the  people  enjoyed  a  large 
measure  of  material  prosperity. 

These  peaceful  achievements,  however,  were  com- 
bined with  a  relaxation  of  military  vigour ;  at  some 
period  in  Solomon's  reign,  two  important  dependencies, 
Edom  and  Damascus,  regained  their  independence,  and 
we  do  not  read  of  any  serious  effort  to  reduce  them. 

Internal  Organisation  and  Buildings. — Solomon  took 
steps  to  make  the  royal  authority  stronger,  more  efficient 
and  more  far-reaching,  chiefly,  as  far  as  our  records  go, ' 
with  a  view  to  the  collection  of  revenue  and  the  main- 
tenance of  an  army — which  latter,  apparently,  he  did 
not  know  how  to  use. 

We  have  a  longer  list  of  ministers.  David's  govern- 
ment ^  included  a  commander-in-chief,  a  captain  of  the 
mercenary  guard,  a  superintendent  of  forced  labour,  a 
recorder,  a  scribe  and  priests,  and  a  "king's  friend." 
In  addition  to  these,  Solomon  had  a  superintendent  of 
prefects,  and  a  master  of  the  household.^ 

A  more  striking  innovation  was  the  division  of  the 
country  into  twelve  districts,  each  under   a   royal    re- 

1  II.  Samuel  xx.  23-26,  xv.  37. 

2  I.  Kings  iv.  s-^,  Septuagint.  In  the  Hebrew  text  there  is  no 
captain  of  the  guard — perhaps  Benaiah  held  both  military  offices. 


84     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

presentative  or  prefect,  charged  with  the  duty  of  pro- 
visioning the  court  month  by  month.*  This  division 
largely  ignored  the  ancient  tribes,  and  seems  to  show- 
that  the  tribal  system  was  passing  away. 

Like  most  powerful  rulers,  Solomon  signalised  his 
reign  by  numerous  splendid  buildings,  and  for  this 
purpose  made  extensive  use  of  the  corvee  or  forced 
labour.  This  again  led  to  increased  exertion  of 
authority  by  the  central  government ;  and,  incidentally, 
the  complete  subjugation  of  the  Canaanites  was  shown 
by  the  fact  that  they  had  to  endure  the  main  portion 
of  this  burden.- 

The  king  also  attempted  to  maintain  his  hold  on  the 
country,  and  to  provide  for  its  defence,  by  fortifying  a 
number  of  cities  and  establishing  military  depots ;  no 
doubt  both  cities  and  depots  were  garrisoned  by  troops 
under  royal  governors. 

Naturally  the  most  important  work  was  done  in 
Jerusalem  ;  its  fortifications  were  strengthened,  and  the 
city  was  adorned  with  a  temple  of  Yahweh  and  palaces 
for  Solomon  and  his  harem. 

The  Temple  and  Religious  Policy. — David's  royal 
chapel  had  been  merely  a  tent  which  served  as  a  shrine 
for  the  ark.  This  tent  Solomon  replaced  by  a  per- 
manent Temple,  which  was  probably  larger  and  more 
splendid  than  any  of  the  earlier  sanctuaries  of  Israel. 

*  I.  Kings  iv.  7  ff. 

2  I.  Kings  ix.  20  f.  ;  cf,  v.  13,  xi.  28. 


SOLOMON  85 


The  priesthood  of  the  Temple  was  now  permanently 
vested  in  the  family  of  a  certain  Zadok ;  for  the  signific- 
ance of  this  fact  we  must  return  for  a  moment  to  the 
circumstances  of  Solomon's  accession.  That  event  was 
due  to  the  victory  of  one  party  at  the  court  over  its 
opponents.  Both  the  military  and  ecclesiastical  leaders 
were  divided;  Adonijah  was  supported  by  Joab  the 
commander-in-chief,  and  by  Abiathar,  one  of  the  priests 
of  the  royal  sanctuary,  while  the  other  priest  of  that 
shrine,  Zadok,  together  with  the  prophet  Nathan,  and 
Benaiah,  the  captain  of  the  guard,  espoused  the  cause  of 
Solomon.  The  victorious  party  probably  represented, 
amongst  other  interests  and  principles,  the  more  moral 
and  spiritual  views  of  Yahweh  and  His  relation  to  Israel, 
and  the  house  of  Zadok  became  the  depository  of  the 
tradition  handed  down  from  Moses  and  Samuel. 

At  any  rate,  the  formula  uttered  by  Solomon  at  the 
dedication  of  the  Temple  marks  an  important  stage  in 
the  development  of  revealed  religion.  Its  original  form 
may  be  translated  thus  :  ^ — 

"  The  sun  has  Yahweh  set  in  the  heavens  ; 
He  (himself)  has  resolved  to  dwell  in  thick  darkness  : 
Built  have  I  a  lofty  mansion  for  thee, 
A  place  for  thee  to  dwell  in  for  all  ages." 

This  short  poem  does  not  imply  a  belief  that  Yahweh 

was  the   one  only  deity;   it  could  be  paralleled  from 

^  "  Century  Bible"  on  I.  Kings  viii.  12  f. 


86      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

poems  and  liturgies  used  by  polytheists.  But  the  God 
who  has  set  the  sun  in  the  heavens  is  much  more  than 
a  mere  local,  tribal  deity. 

Probably  the  people  generally  did  not  feel  that  such 
devotion  to  Yahweh  was  inconsistent  with  the  erection 
of  sanctuaries  by  Solomon  to  foreign  deities  for  the  con- 
venience of  his  foreign  wives  and  their  suites.  Alliance 
with  Egypt  and  Tyre  would  imply  some  such  toleration 
of  the  worship  of  these  states ;  just  as,  when  public 
Romanist  services  were  forbidden  in  England,  the  am- 
bassadors of  France  and  Spain  were  allowed  to  have 
the  mass  celebrated  in  their  private  chapels.  No  doubt, 
too,  the  zealous  Protestants  who  were  scandalised  by  such 
doings  had  their  parallels  in  ancient  Israel. 

The  Wise  and  Splendid  King. — The  personality  of 
Solomon,  like  that  of  Moses,  is  obscured,  because  later 
tradition  treated  him  as  an  ideal  figure,  the  typical 
example  of  a  sage,  and  of  a  powerful  and  magnificent 
ruler.  Thus  the  section  of  Chro7iides  dealing  with  his 
reign  ^  omits  all  references  to  his  extensive  and  crowded 
harem,  to  the  erection  of  sanctuaries  for  foreign  gods, 
to  the  loss  of  Edom  and  Damascus,  and  to  other  dis- 
creditable matters.  Even  in  Kings  the  story  has  been 
influenced  by  the  same  idealising  tendency,  but  enough 
of  ancient  tradition  has  been  preserved  to  show  that 
Solomon  was  by  no  means  ideal.  Nevertheless  he  was 
a  remarkable  figure,  and  an  important  factor  in  the 
1  II.  Chron.  i.-ix. 


SOLOMON  87 


history  of  his  times.  It  is  true  that  Uttle,  if  any,  of  the 
contents  of  the  numerous  works  connected  with  his 
name  can  be  the  actual  work  of  Solomon  ;  but  the 
rapid  development  of  Israel  under  its  three  first  kings 
would  naturally  lead  to  a  certain  literary  activity,  in 
which  Solomon  would  have  his  share  as  author  and 
patron. 

It  was  a  notable  achievement  to  hold  together  the 
various  Israelite  tribes  and  their  Canaanite  dependents 
in  a  single  state ;  and  it  is  quite  possible  that  Edom  and 
Damascus  were  deliberately  allowed  to  maintain  the 
independence  they  had  recovered,  on  the  ground  that 
Israel  would  do  better  to  strengthen  its  internal  re- 
sources than  to  spend  its  energies  in  maintaining  a 
precarious  suzerainty  over  disaffected  tributaries. 

On  the  whole,  Solomon  showed  himself  a  statesman- 
like ruler ;  there  was,  however,  one  great  blot  upon  his 
administration,  of  which  we  will  speak  in  our  next  chapter 
in  dealing  with  its  fatal  consequences. 


CHAPTER   VII 
THE    DISRUPTION 

Rehoboam,  c.  B.C.  932-916.1 
Jeroboam  I.,  c.  B.C.  932-912. 
Shishak,  I.  Kings  xiv.  25  =  Sheshenq  I.,  c.  B.C.  950-928 

I.  Kings  xii.-xiv. 

The  Revolt. — The  northern  tribes,  especially  Ephraim, 
had  long  regarded  themselves  as  the  chief  members  of 
the  Israelite  confederation ;  only  urgent  necessity  and 
the  personal  gifts  of  the  first  three  kings  and  their 
ministers  induced  the  northerners  to  acquiesce  in  the 
rule  of  a  Benjamite  or  Judahite  and  in  the  establishment 
of  the  capital  in  the  south.  The  new  sanctuary,  the 
Temple,  aroused  the  jealousy  of  the  more  ancient  shrines ; 
and  its  new  priesthood,  the  house  of  Zadok,  were  ob- 
noxious to  the  friends  of  the  house  of  Eli.  Solomon's 
policy  had  aggravated  the  discontent ;  he  had  drained  the 
resources  of  the  tribes  to  adorn  his  royal  city  and  main- 
tain a  splendid  court,  and  he  had  offended  the  zeal  of  the 
devotees  of  Yahweh  by  his  tolerance  of  foreign  religions. 
His  death  was  the  natural  occasion  for  an  outbreak. 

Several  circumstances  strengthened  the  hands  of  the 
hostile  party.  Rehoboam,  the  heir  to  the  throne,  was 
young   and   inexperienced;    but,    on   the   other   hand, 

^  For  these  and  other  dates  of  the  period  of  the  Monarchy,  see 
Skinner's  Kings^  "Century  Bible,"  p.  51. 


THE    DISRUPTION 


the  opposition  found  an  able  leader,  supported  by  the 
power  of  Egypt.  In  Solomon's  reign,  a  certain  Jeroboam 
of  Ephraim  had  shown  marked  ability,  and  the  king 
made  him  prefect  of  the  tribe.  The  prophet  Ahijah 
encouraged  Jeroboam  to  revolt  against  his  master,  but 
the  attempt  was  nipped  in  the  bud,  and  Jeroboam  fled 
to  Egypt.  Here  the  dynasty  to  which  Solomon's  wife 
belonged  had  fallen,  and  Shishak,  the  founder  of  the 
new  dynasty,  welcomed  the  refugee.  When  the  Israelite 
king  died,  Jeroboam  returned  to  his  native  land. 

Meanwhile  a  national  assembly  had  met  at  Shechem, 
ostensibly  to  recognise  Rehoboam  as  king.  The  fact 
and  the  place  of  this  gathering  show  that  the  northern 
tribes  claimed  a  decisive  voice  in  the  affairs  of  Israel. 
Solomon's  heir  was  met  by  a  demand  for  redress  of 
grievances;  the  tribes  would  only  recognise  him  if  he 
surrendered  the  right  of  forced  labour,  which  his  father 
had  exercised  with  severity.  He  refused ;  the  assembly 
broke  up,  and  its  members  returned  home  to  organise 
a  revolt.  An  attempt  at  coercion  failed,  and  Rehoboam 
fled  to  Jerusalem.     The  Israelites  made  Jeroboam  king. 

The  Two  States. — The  revolt  was  a  national  move- 
ment, supported  by  the  prophets,  and  its  leaders  hoped 
to  transfer  to  Jeroboam  the  sovereignty  over  all  Israel 
held  by  David  and  Solomon ;  but  for  many  obvious 
reasons  Judah  and  Jerusalem  remained  faithful  to  the 
Judahite  prince,  and  thus  the  great  southern  tribe  re- 
sumed its  old  attitude  of  aloofness  from  the  general 
body  of  Israel. 


90      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

So  long  as  the  two  states  both  existed  side  by  side, 
the  Northern  Kingdom  possessed  the  bulk  of  the  territory, 
population,  and  resources  of  Israel.  Nevertheless  there 
were  advantages  on  the  side  of  Judah  ;  it  held  a  compact 
district,  with  the  fortress  of  Jerusalem  for  its  capital. 
Moreover,  the  Southern  Kingdom  remained  steadily 
loyal  to  the  house  of  David,  while  Israel  suffered  from 
frequent  revolutions,  civil  wars,  and  changes  of  dynasty. 

Religious  Consequences. — Rehoboam  secured  the 
Temple,  which  remained  the  sanctuary  of  the  kings  of 
Judah.  Jeroboam  appropriated  the  ancient  sanctuaries 
at  Bethel  and  Dan,  provided  them  with  new  buildings, 
more  numerous  priesthoods,  and  golden  images  of  Yahweh 
in  the  form  of  calves.  Many  other  sanctuaries  flourished 
in  both  kingdoms. 

As  usually  happens  when  ecclesiastics  promote  a  revolu- 
tion, the  prophets  did  not  find  the  new  king  as  docile 
as  they  wished.  It  is  very  doubtful  whether  the  use  of 
images  was  regarded  as  objectionable  ;  but  it  is  probable 
that  Jeroboam,  relying  on  the  support  of  the  people 
generally,  countenanced  popular  superstitions  which 
more  enlightened  worshippers  of  Yahweh  condemned. 

Chronology. — Our  information  becomes  much  fuller 
in  this  period.  Many  uncertainties,  indeed,  remain,  but 
the  dates  of  the  reigns  given  at  the  head  of  this  and  the 
following  chapters  are  correct  within,  say,  ten  or  twenty 
years.  The  references  to  the  Egyptian  Shishak  do  not 
help  us  very  much,  because  the  Egyptian  documents  do 
not  fix  dates  with  certainty. 


CHAPTER   VIII 


WARS 

BETWEEN    ISRAEL   AND 

JUDAH 

C.    B.C. 

C.    B.C. 

Rehobcam 

.       932-916 

Jeroboam 

,       932-912 

Abijam  . 

.       916-914 

Asa 

•       914-874 

Nadab  . 

.       912-9II 

Baasha . 

.       911-888 

Elah       . 

.       888-887 

I.  Kings  xii.-xvi. 

Rehoboam  and  Jeroboam. — Neither  party  was  willing 
to  acquiesce  in  the  immediate  results  of  the  revolution. 
Rehoboam  made  preparations  to  recover  the  northern 
territory,  but  seems  to  have  been  hindered  by  the 
prophets.  Later  on  he  renewed  his  efforts,  at  first  ap- 
parently with  some  success,  for  Jeroboam,  who  had  at 
first  fixed  his  capital  at  Shechem,  transferred  the  seat 
of  government  to  Penuel,  east  of  the  Jordan.  But  his 
patron  Shishak  intervened,  invaded  Judah,  and  effec- 
tually crippled  Rehoboam's  strength,  so  that  Jeroboam 
was  able  to  establish  himself  permanently.^  Later  on 
his  capital  was  at  Tirzah,  near  Shechem,  where  it  re- 
mained for  several  reigns. 

^  This  invasion  is  commemorated  in  an  inscription  of  Shishak's, 
but  the  exact  interpretation  of  the  inscription  is  a  little  uncertain. 

91 


92      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Their  Successors. — From  this  point  onwards,  name 
succeeds  name  in  the  meagre  and  fragmentary  annals. 
In  most  cases  they  are  mere  names ;  little  is  told  us 
of  any  of  them,  and  that  little  is  merely  public  and 
official;  there  is  nothing  that  enables  us  to  realise  a 
distinct  individuality.  Their  historian,  who  wrote  at 
the  close  of  the  career  of  the  Southern  Kingdom, 
divides  them  off  into  two  classes,  good  and  bad, 
labelling  them  with  one  or  other  of  two  monotonous 
formulae.  Either  they  "did  that  which  was  right  in 
the  eyes  of  Yahweh,"  or  they  "did  evil  in  the  sight 
of  Yahweh."  The  Israelite  kings  always  did  evil,  some 
not  so  consistently  as  others. 

We  are  not  told  what  the  "right"  and  the  "evil" 
were ;  but  the  epithets  are  used  to  denote  conformity 
with  the  historian's  religious  views  or  opposition  to 
them,  and  the  occurrence  of  now  the  one,  now  the 
other,  preserves  the  tradition  of  a  struggle  between 
two  parties.  We  shall  see  later  that,  as  in  modern 
times,  and  even  more  so,  certain  religious  views  were 
closely  associated  with  a  certain  attitude  on  home  and 
foreign  politics. 

The  unfavourable  judgment  on  the  Northern  kings 
was  partly  justified  by  lack  of  zeal  for  the  more  spiritual 
development  of  the  service  of  Yahweh;  but  is  largely 
due  to  the  historian's  attachment  to  the  Temple  and 
the  house  of  David. 

Let  us  now  turn  from  these  general  considerations, 


WARS     OF    ISRAEL    AND    JUDAH     93 

and  do  our  best  to  combine  the  various  fragmentary 
references  into  something  like  a  continuous  narrative. 

Asa  and  Baasha. — A  tedious  undecisive  war  dragged 
on  between  the  two  states ;  their  mutual  relation  was 
similar  to  that  between  England  and  Scotland  before  the 
Tudors.  For  the  most  part,  doubtless,  the  fighting  was 
on  a  small  scale,  harassing  border  warfare,  and  occa- 
sional raids  into  the  interior. 

These  civil  wars  encouraged  the  Philistines  to  fresh 
hostilities,  in  the  course  of  which  they  occupied  the 
frontier  city  of  Gibbethon.  We  find  Jeroboam's  son 
and  successor,  Nadab,  soon  after  his  accession,  engaged 
in  the  siege  of  this  place.  Here  he  was  murdered  by 
a  certain  Baasha  ben  Ahijah,  of  the  tribe  of  Issachar, 
who  forthwith  massacred  all  the  family  of  Jeroboam. 
Baasha  also  fixed  his  capital  at  Tirzah. 

Meanwhile  Rehoboam  had  been  succeeded  by  his 
son,  Abijam,  and,  after  a  short  reign,  Abijam  had  died 
and  given  place  to  his  son  or  brother,  Asa.  In  his 
days  Baasha  made  a  determined  attempt  to  subdue 
Judah.  He  set  about  converting  the  frontier  town 
of  Ramah  into  a  strong  fortress,  the  seat  of  his  govern- 
ment, and  the  headquarters  of  his  operations  against 
Judah.  Asa  felt  himself  no  match  for  the  resources 
of  Israel  in  the  hand  of  a  resolute  and  capable  leader ; 
as  the  Scotch  kings  turned  to  France  for  help  against 
England,  Asa  sought  assistance  from  Damascus. 

The  Syrian  state  of  Damascus,  restored  to  independ- 


94      OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

ence  during  the  reign  of  Solomon,  had  now  developed 
considerable  strength.  Its  king,  Ben-hadad,  readily 
responded  to  Asa's  appeal,  and  invaded  the  north  of 
Israel.  Baasha  withdrew  from  Ramah  to  meet  this 
new  enemy,  and  Asa  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity 
to  destroy  the  fortifications  of  Ramah. 

After  this  episode  matters  reverted  to  their  former 
condition ;  Baasha  returned  to  his  old  capital  at  Tirzah, 
where  he  died,  and  his  son  Elah  succeeded  him. 
Under  Elah  we  find  "all  Israel"  again  besieging 
Gibbethon  under  his  general  Omri.  In  the  second 
year  of  his  reign,  Elah  was  murdered  at  Tirzah  by 
Zimri,  one  of  the  generals  of  his  chariots,  who  pro- 
claimed himself  king,  and  massacred  the  family  of 
Baasha. 


CHAPTER   IX 


C.    B.C. 

Asa        .         . 

.     914-874 

Zimri,  O 
Omri  . 
Ahab     . 

Jehoshaphat  . 

.     874-850 

Ahaziah 
Jehoram 

Jehoram 

.     850-843 

Ahaziah 

843 

THE   SYRIAN  WARS— I.    THE   HOUSE 
OF   OMRI 


C.    B.C. 

Tibni  887 
887-876 
876-854 

854 
854-843 


I.  Kings  xvi.-IL   Kings  ix. 

Date  ascertained  from  Assyrian  Inscription. 
Ahab  takes  part  in  the  battle  of  Karkar,  B.C.  854. 
Extra-Biblical  Sources  of  Information. 
Inscriptions  of  Shalmaneser  II.,  king  of  Assyria,  B.C.  858-829. 
The  Moabite  Stone,  an  inscription  of  Mesha,  king  of  Moab,  a  con- 
temporary of  Ahab  and  his  sons. 

Omri. — In  Omri  and  his  son  Ahab  we  have  two  of  the 
most  capable  of  the  Israelite  kings.  Omri  had  the  good 
fortune  to  obtain  the  crown  not  as  the  murderer,  but  as 
the  avenger,  of  his  predecessor,  Elah.  At  the  time  of 
Zimri's  revolt,  Omri  was  directing  the  siege  of  Gibbethon  ; 
his  army  proclaimed  him  king,  and  he  marched  upon 
the  capital.     Zimri,  feeling  that  resistance  was  hopeless, 

95 


96     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

set  fire  to  the  palace  and  perished  in  the  flames.  Another 
pretender  to  the  throne,  however,  arose  in  the  person  of 
a  certain  Tibni ;  for  some  time  the  country  was  plunged 
in  civil  war,  and  Omri's  authority  was  only  fully  estab- 
lished after  the  death  of  Tibni. 

The  New  Capital. — One  great  service  rendered  to 
Judah  by  David  and  Solomon  was  the  transference 
of  the  capital  to  Jerusalem ;  Omri  rendered  a  similar 
service  to  Israel  by  his  choice  of  Samaria  as  the  seat 
of  government.  It  was  a  strong  position,  in  the  midst 
of  a  fertile  district,  and  remained  the  permanent  capital 
of  Israel.  It  was  repeatedly  besieged,  usually  to  no 
purpose ;  and  the  fact  that  Israel  emerged  from  its 
long  struggle  with  Damascus,  not  only  independent, 
but  victorious,  was  largely  due  to  the  strength  of  this 
fortress. 

The  Conquest  of  Moab. — Moab  had  been  conquered 
by  David,  but  had  since  regained  his  independence. 
The  Moabite  Stone  tells  us  that  because  Chemosh,  the 
god  of  Moab,  was  angry  with  his  land,  he  permitted 
Omri  to  oppress  it  many  days,  and  that  Omri  annexed 
all  the  land  of  Medeba,  which  remained  in  the  posses- 
sion of  Israel  for  forty  years. 

The  War  with  Syria. — The  long  duel  between  Israel 
and  Damascus  may  be  said  to  have  begun  with  Asa's 
appeal  for  help  against  Baasha.  The  contest  was 
renewed  in  this  reign ;  Omri  had  the  worst  of  it,  and 
was   compelled    to    cede  cities  to    Damascus,   and  to 


THE    SYRIAN    WARS  97 

grant  trading  facilities  to  Syrian  merchants  in  Samaria.^ 
Nevertheless  it  is  clear  that  Omri  left  his  kingdom 
stronger  and  more  prosperous  than  he  found  it.  The 
Assyrian  inscriptions  speak  of  Israel  as  ''the  land  of 
Omri"  long  after  his  death,  and  even  call  Jehu, 
who  massacred  Omri's  descendants,  "  the  son  of 
Omri." 

Apparently  some  of  the  steps  which  he  took  to 
strengthen  his  government  gave  offence  to  the  prophe- 
tical party;  Micah  vi.  16  denounces  "the  statutes  of 
Omri." 

Ahab. — Omri  was  succeeded  in  due  course  by  his 
son  Ahab.  The  inspired  writers,  exclusively  concerned 
for  the  interests  of  revealed  religion,  have  mainly 
noted  and  emphasised  this  great  king's  antagonism  to 
the  work  of  the  prophets  ;  and  the  popular  exponents 
of  Christianity  have  exaggerated  the  discreditable 
features  of  his  character  and  career,  and  made  him 
out  to  be  a  monster  of  iniquity.  He  was  a  man  of 
courage,  force  of  character,  and  sagacity.  Apparently 
he  had  not  the  sympathetic  interest  in  religious  affairs 
which  led  David  to  throw  his  influence  on  the  side  of 
progressive  spiritual  life  and  thought.  But  in  morality 
he  was  not  inferior  to  Solomon,  or  even  to  David ;  and 
the  clemency  of  the  house  of  Omri  was  a  proverb 
amongst  the  nations — "the  kings  of  the  house  of  Israel 
are  merciful  kings."-     The  murders  of  Naboth  and  of 

1  I.  Kings  XX.  34  ;  cf.  '*  Century  Bible."  -  I.  Kings  xx.  31. 

G 


98     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Uriah  were  crimes  of  the  same  class,  and  that  perpetrated 
by  David  was  the  more  heinous. 

The  Alliance  with  Judah  and  PhcEnicia. — Among 
Ahab's  many  gifts  were  enhghtened  views  as  to  inter- 
national diplomacy.  We  are  not  told  anything  as 
to  the  relations  of  Israel  and  Judah  in  the  time  of 
Omri. 

Asa  reigned  forty-one  years,  and  was  succeeded  by 
his  son  Jehoshaphat,  who  was  like-minded  with  himself; 
"  he  walked  in  all  the  ways  of  Asa  his  father  .  .  .  doing 
that  which  was  right  in  the  eyes  of  Yahweh."  This 
continuity  of  policy  would  tend  to  strength  and  pros- 
perity ;  and,  on  the  other  hand,  the  revolutions  and 
civil  wars  in  Israel  must  have  stopped  any  serious 
operations  against  Judah.  Ahab  at  last  ended  the  long 
struggle  by  a  peaceable  agreement.  The  arrangement 
virtually  involved  the  suzerainty  of  Israel  over  the 
weaker  state. 

Ahab,  however,  made  no  attempt  to  oust  the  family 
of  David  from  their  kingdom,  but  sought  to  secure  their 
loyalty  by  intermarriage  between  the  two  houses  ;  Ahab's 
daughter,  Athaliah,  married  Jehoshaphat's  son,  Jehoram. 
It  is  noteworthy  that  the  last  two  kings  of  the  house  of 
Omri,  Ahaziah  and  Jehoram,  were  contemporary  with 
two  kings  of  Judah  named  Jehoram  and  Ahaziah.  In 
this  direction  Ahab's  policy  was  entirely  successful ;  the 
kings  of  Judah  remained  firm  friends  of  the  house  of 
Omri  till  its  fall ;  and  thus  Ahab,  following  in  the  foot- 


THE    SYRIAN    WARS  99 

steps  of  David,  again  united  Israel  and  Judah  against 
their  common  enemies. 

In  another  direction  also  Ahab  followed  the  example 
of  David ;  he  renewed  the  old  alliance  with  Phoenicia 
by  marrying  Jezebel,  the  daughter  of  Ethbaal,  king  of 
the  Zidonians,  an  act  which  doubtless  strengthened  the 
international  position  of  Israel,  but  had  an  unfortunate 
influence  on  the  internal  affairs  both  of  Israel  and  Judah. 
Ahab  also  attempted  to  arrive  at  a  peaceable  modus 
vivefidi  with  Damascus,  but  the  attempt  failed. 

The  Syrian  Wars. — For  this  Syrian  kingdom  of 
Damascus  is  constantly  found  at  war  with  Israel  for 
about  a  century.  Omri,  as  we  have  seen,  had  been 
worsted  by  his  northern  neighbour ;  and  the  struggle  was 
renewed  in  Ahab's  reign.  But  the  contest  did  not 
simply  involve  Syria,  Israel,  and  Judah.  If  these  powers 
had  been  left  to  fight  it  out  by  themselves,  Syria  would 
have  succeeded  in  conquering  the  two  Israelite  states. 
Another  power,  however,  intervened  at  intervals ;  in  this 
period  the  great  empire  of  Assyria  again  advanced  into 
Western  Asia,  and  we  must  briefly  indicate  the  main 
features  of  its  activity. 

Just  about  the  time  of  Omri's  accession,  an  able  and 
warlike  king,  Ashur-natsir-pal,  ascended  the  Assyrian 
throne.  In  a  series  of  successful  campaigns  the  monarch 
established  his  authority  over  an  extensive  territory ;  in 
one  expedition  he  occupied  Lebanon,  and  received  the 
submission  of  the  leading  Phoenician  cities.     His  son, 


loo     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Shalmaneser  II.,  who  succeeded  him  towards  the  close 
of  Ahab's  reign,  made  a  series  of  determined  but  unsuc- 
cessful attempts  to  conquer  Damascus.  This  pressure  of 
the  Assyrians  on  Damascus  enabled  Israel  to  maintain 
its  independence. 

It  was  perhaps  about  the  time  of  the  accession  of 
Shalmaneser  that  the  Syrian  king,  Benhadad  II.,  renewed 
the  war  by  invading  the  Northern  Kingdom  and  laying 
siege  to  Samaria.  His  army,  however,  was  routed  by 
a  successful  sally  of  the  besieged  Israelites.  Later  on, 
Ahab  gained  a  second  victory  in  the  open  field ;  took 
Benhadad  prisoner ;  and  concluded  a  treaty  with  him 
on  advantageous  but  moderate  terms — practically  the 
restoration  of  the  status  quo  before  the  defeat  of  Omri. 
Possibly  we  may  place  soon  after  these  events  the  great 
battle  of  Karkar,  of  which  we  learn  from  an  inscription 
of  Shalmaneser  II.  Shalmaneser  was  advancing  against 
Damascus  from  the  north,  when  he  was  met  by  Benhadad 
at  Karkar,  not  far  from  Hamath.  In  order  to  oppose  the 
Assyrians,  the  king  of  Damascus  had  formed  an  extensive 
confederation,  including  Hamath,  Israel,  Arvad,  Arabians, 
Ammonites,  and  others.  According  to  the  figures  given 
by  Shalmaneser,  the  two  largest  contingents  were  Ben- 
hadad's  1200  chariots,  1200  horsemen,  and  25,000 
infantry,  and  Ahab's  2000  chariots  and  15,000  men. 
The  numbers  of  the  Israelites  suggests  that  Ahab  was 
a  willing  ally.  Shalmaneser,  in  his  inscription,  claims 
the   victory   for   himself;    but   as    he   did    not   attack 


THE    SYRIAN    WARS  loi 

Damascus,  and  returned  home  immediately  afterwards, 
the  substantial  advantage  lay  with  the  confederates — they 
succeeded  in  stopping  the  Assyrian  advance. 

The  alliance  between  Ahab  and  Benhadad  was  short- 
lived. Amongst  the  cities  taken  from  Omri  which  the 
Syrian  king  had  promised  to  restore  was  Ramoth  in 
Gilead.  So  far  the  promise  had  not  been  fulfilled,  and 
Ahab's  patience  being  exhausted,  he  determined  to  take 
the  city  by  force.  He  summoned  Jehoshaphat  to  his 
aid,  and  the  two  kings  marched  against  Ramoth.  In 
the  battle  that  ensued,  the  allies  were  defeated  and 
Ahab  was  slain. 

This  victory  had  no  permanent  military  results, 
because  soon  after  Damascus  was  again  engaged  in 
defending  itself  against  Shalmaneser.  Moreover,  about 
this  time  there  was  a  change  of  dynasty;  Benhadad's 
successor  was  murdered  by  his  general  Hazael,  who 
usurped  the  kingship.  Hence  Jehoram,  who  ruled  over 
Israel  after  the  brief  reign  of  his  brother  Ahaziah,  was 
able  to  capture  Ramoth  and  hold  it  against  the  Syrians.^ 

The  Prophets  Elijah  and  Elisha. — This  period  was 
as  critical  for  religion  as  for  politics  ;  and  it  was  a  purely 

^  For  II.  Kings  vi.  24-vii.  20  see  next  chapter,  p.  1 12.  The 
interpretation  of  the  accounts  of  the  Syrian  wars  is  largely  a  matter 
of  controversy.  As  the  various  questions  are  still  sub  judice,  we 
have  mostly  taken  the  Biblical  narrative  as  it  stands.  Consequently, 
the  version  of  the  story  in  the  text  in  this  and  the  following  chapter 
is  only  given  as  probable. 


I02     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

political  act  which  brought  religious  affairs  to  a  crisis ; 
and,  as  in  the  case  of  Solomon,  the  trouble  arose  out  of 
a  royal  marriage.  As  we  have  already  explained,^  union 
with  a  foreign  princess  arose  out  of  an  alliance  with  her 
father,  and  involved  the  erection  of  a  chapel  or  sanctuary 
to  a  foreign  deity  for  the  worship  of  the  queen  and  her 
suite.  Accordingly,  Ahab  built  in  Samaria  a  temple 
and  altar  to  Baal — i.e.  Melkarth,  the  god  of  Tyre.  The 
religious  history  of  Israel  since  the  conquest  gave  a 
special  significance  to  this  act ;  the  Israelites  had  com- 
bined and  confused  the  cult  of  Yahweh  with  that  of 
the  local  Canaanite  deities  or  Baals,  "  Lords " ;  and 
Yahweh  Himself  was  often  worshipped  under  the  title 
"  Baal."  There  was  a  danger  lest  the  distinctive 
features  of  the  faith  of  Moses  and  of  ancient  Israel 
should  be  lost — worship  of  Yahweh  sink  to  the  level  of 
a  mere  Canaanite  superstition.  Samuel  and  David,  the 
prophets  and  the  kings  "  who  did  that  which  was  right 
in  the  eyes  of  Yahweh,"  had  fought  against  this  tendency. 
The  prestige  of  the  new  royal  temple,  on  the  other  hand, 
would  encourage  the  use  of  "Baal"  as  a  title  of  the 
deity,  and  would  make  foreign  rites  fashionable. 

It  is  true  that  Ahab  was  a  zealous  worshipper  of 
Yahweh ;  he  was  served  by  400  prophets  who  spoke  in 
the  name  of  Yahweh ;  and  his  children  bore  such  names 
as  "Yahweh  upholds,"  "Yahweh  is  exalted,"  "Yahweh 
is  high."  But  names  and  phrases  are  not  everything. 
1  P.  ■^G. 


THE    SYRIAN    WARS  103 

The  new  danger  met  with  emphatic  protest  and  stern 
opposition  from  the  prophets  of  the  purer  faith. 

At  this  point  we  may  resume  our  brief  account  of  the 
prophets.  We  have  seen  that  in  the  time  of  Samuel  and 
Saul  there  were  bands  of  ecstatic  prophets  in  Israel,  and 
subsequently  we  read  of  individual  prophets  who  appear 
as  messengers  of  Yahweh.  We  now  hear  of  guilds  or 
bands  of  prophets,  some  supporting  Ahab,  some  in 
opposition  to  him.  The  ordinary  prophet  was  still 
probably  something  of  a  dervish ;  his  inspiration  moved 
him  to  ecstatic  rites ;  but  it  also  constituted  him  at  times 
a  messenger  of  Yahweh. 

At  this  time  there  arose  a  prophet,  Elijah,  who  placed 
himself  at  the  head  of  the  opposition  to  Ahab  and 
Jezebel,  and  their  ecclesiastical  policy.  His  fierce  de- 
nunciations of  the  Baal-worship  forced  men  to  realise 
that  Yahweh  could  not  be  contented  with  the  supersti- 
tious rites  in  which  the  Canaanite  Baals  were  supposed 
to  delight ;  and  at  the  same  time  they  threatened  the 
very  existence  of  Jezebel's  chapel  and  even  the  queen's 
life ;  they  endangered  the  alliance  with  the  Phoenicians, 
and  weakened  Ahab  in  his  contest  with  Syria.  The 
struggle  was  carried  on  with  ruthless  cruelty  on  both 
sides — each  in  turn  massacred  its  opponents.  But,  in 
spite  of  his  various  difficulties,  including  a  severe  famine 
which  his  opponents  interpreted  as  a  Divine  judgment, 
Ahab  held  his  own  against  Syria  and  protected  Jezebel 
and  her  temple  till  his  defeat  and  death.     Even  then  his 


I04     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

successor  Ahaziah  maintained  his  policy,  but  Ahaziah's 
premature  death,  following  close  on  his  father's  tragic 
end,  seemed  conclusive  marks  of  Yahweh's  displeasure, 
and  the  new  king  Jehoram  made  some  partial  conces- 
sions,^ which  served  rather  to  irritate  Jezebel  than  to 
conciliate  the  opposition.  Elijah's  death  about  this 
time  encouraged  the  court  to  persevere  in  its  protection 
of  Baal-worship.  But  his  disciple  and  successor,  the 
prophet  Elisha,  organised  conspiracies  which  led  to 
changes  of  dynasty  at  Samaria  and  Damascus,  and 
dealt  a  fatal  blow  at  the  Baal-worship. 

Judah  and  its  Southern  Neighbours  :  Jehoshaphat. — 
During  this  period  Judah  was  practically  the  vassal  of 
Israel,  but  the  state  of  affairs  was  in  many  respects  an 
improvement  upon  the  previous  years  of  constant  strife 
between  the  two  kingdoms.  Judah  retained  a  full 
autonomy ;  the  king,  Jehoshaphat,  enjoyed  the  confidence 
of  the  prophets,  and  occupied  the  throne  for  twenty-five 
years.  The  peace  with  Israel  and  the  long  continuous 
government  of  a  prince  sensitive  to  the  higher  interests 
of  his  people,  tended  to  prosperity.  Tribes  which  des- 
pised Judah  when  it  was  struggling  for  its  existence 
against  Israel,  could  not  safely  defy  the  two  allied  states. 
Edom  became  subject  to  Judah  ;  and  Jehoshaphat  made 
an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  revive  Solomon's  traffic  with 
Ophir.2     The  subjugation  of  Edom  was  perhaps  a  sequel 

^11.  Kings  iii.  2. 

2  I.  Kings  xxii.  47,  48. 


THE    SYRIAN    WARS  105 

to  an  invasion  of  Judah  by  Edom,  Ammon,  and  Moab, 
which  was  victoriously  repulsed.^ 

The  Revolt  of  Moab. — This  invasion  may  have  been 
a  sequel  of  the  successful  revolt  of  Mesha,  king  of  Moab, 
against  Israel  in  the  middle  of  Ahab's  reign.^ 

Mesha,  in  his  inscription  on  the  Moabite  Stone,  de- 
scribes his  victory  thus  : — 

"  I  fought  against  the  town  (of  Ataroth)  and  took  it,  and 
put  to  death  all  the  people  of  the  town,  as  a  pleasing  spec- 
tacle for  Chemosh  and  for  Moab  ;  and  I  removed  thence 
the  altar-hearth^  of  (the  god)  Dodo,  and  I  (presented)  it  be- 
fore Chemosh  in  Kerioth.  .  .  .  And  Chemosh  said  to  me, 
Take  Nebo  against  Israel,  and  I  went  by  night  and  fought 
against  it  from  break  of  dawn  till  noon,  and  I  took  it  and 
put  them  all  to  death.  ...  for  I  had  devoted  it  to  Ashtar- 
Chemosh." 

He  tells  us  also  of  numerous  other  conquests. 

Apparently  Ahab  was  too  busy  with  the  Syrian  wars  to 
attend  to  Moab;  but  Jehoram  had  leisure  to  organise 
a  joint  expedition  with  Jehoshaphat  and  Edom.  The 
enterprise  had  many  vicissitudes,  but  at  last  the  allies 
overran  Moab,  besieged  the  Moabite  king  in  Kir-hareseth, 
and  seemed  on  the  point  of  completing  the  subjugation 

^  II.  Chron.  xx. 

2  So  the  Moabite  Stone;  according  to  II.  Kings  i.  i,  the  revolt 
took  place  after  Ahab's  death,  a  statement  which  may  only  mean 
that  the  annals  made  no  reference  to  the  revolt  till  they  came  to 
the  attempt  to  reconquer  the  country  after  Ahab's  death. 

3  'Ar'el. 


io6     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

of  the  country  by  capturing  that  city.  In  his  dire  ex- 
tremity the  king  of  Moab  sacrificed  his  son  to  Chemosh 
on  the  wall  of  the  besieged  city,  in  sight  of  the  hostile 
armies.  Then  the  wrath  of  Chemosh  fell  upon  the  in- 
vaders,^ and  they  withdrew  to  their  own  land ;  they 
dared  not  await  the  response  which  the  patron  deity  of 
Moab  must  surely  make  to  such  an  appeal.  In  the 
reign  of  Jehoshaphat's  successor,  Jehoram,  Edom  finally 
established  its  independence  ;  and  Libnah  also  revolted, 
perhaps  to  the  Philistines. 

The  Fall  of  the  House  of  Omri. — This  abortive  enter- 
prise must  have  damaged  Jehoram's  prestige  and  in  some 
measure  contributed  to  his  doom ;  but  other  causes  were 
more  evidently  at  work.  These  we  have  already  dealt 
with,  each  in  its  separate  section  for  the  sake  of  clearness. 
In  reality  their  workings  were  intricately  intertwined,  and 
their  close  connection  is  most  manifest  in  the  final  catas- 
trophe. The  war  with  Syria  led  to  Jehoram's  wound, 
to  his  retirement  from  the  field  army,  and  the  investing 
Jehu  with  an  independent  command  ;  thus  Jehu  got  his 
opportunity.  The  signal  of  revolt  was  given  by  the 
prophet  Elisha.  Lastly,  owing  to  the  alliance  between 
Israel  and  Judah,  the  kings  of  both  states  and  their 
families  shared  the  same  fate. 

^  See  "Century  Bible"  on  II.  Kings  iii.  27. 


CHAPTER   X 
THE   SYRIAN   WARS— 11.    THE   HOUSE 


OF   JEHU 

C.  B.C. 

C.  B.C 

Jehu     . 

.      843 

Athaliah 

.     843 

Jehcash 

.     837 

Jehoahaz 

.      816 

Jehoash 

.      800 

Amaziah 

.     79» 

Azariah  or  Uzziah 

.     790 

Jeroboam  II . 

.      785 

Regency  of  Jotham 

•     749 

Zechariah 

.     745 

II.  Kings  ix.-xv. 

Date  ascertaijted from  Assyrian  Inscriptions. 
Jehu  pays  tribute  to  Ass>Tia,  B.C.  842. 

Extra-Biblical  Sources  of  Information, 
The  "Black   Obelisk"  and  other  inscriptions   of  Shalmaneser  II., 
king  of  Assyria,  B.C.  858-829,  and  other  Assyrian  kings. 

The  Revolution  in  Israel. — Jehu  waded  to  his  throne 
through  seas  of  blood.  He  was  in  command  of  the 
Israelite  army  opposing  the  Syrians  at  Ramoth-Gilead 
when  a  message  from  Elisha  gave  him  the  signal  for 
revolt.  He  at  once  made  a  forced  march  with  a  handful 
of  cavalry  to  Jezreel,  where  were  both  Jehoram  of  Israel 
and  Ahaziah  of  Judah ;  he  surprised  them,  and  slew 
Jehoram  on  the  spot ;  Ahaziah  also  was  fatally  wounded 


io8     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

and  died  shortly  afterwards  at  Megiddo.  As  Jehu 
entered  Jezreel,  Jezebel's  chamberlains,  at  his  bidding, 
flung  their  mistress  out  of  a  window  of  the  palace  and 
killed  her.  Then  Jehu  procured  the  massacre,  first 
of  the  family  of  Ahab,  seventy  persons,  and  later  on 
of  forty-two  kinsmen  of  the  king  of  Judah.  When 
he  himself  arrived  in  Samaria,  he  completed  the  work 
by  putting  to  death  "all  that  remained  unto  Ahab  in 
Samaria."  ^ 

So  far,  he  had  only  carried  out  the  usual  policy  of 
a  successful  rebel,  but  his  obligations  to  Elisha  and  the 
otheropponents  of  Baal- worship  required  further  slaughter. 
Here  a  new  character  appears  upon  the  scene,  a  certain 
Jehonadab  the  son  of  Rechab,  the  head  of  a  tribe  or 
sect  of  fanatics  who  regarded  the  developments  of  civi- 
lisation as  abominations  in  the  eyes  of  Yahweh;  they 
refused  to  grow  grapes  or  corn,  and  lived  in  tents,  thus 
maintaining  the  old  nomad  life.  In  the  same  way  they 
clung  to  the  simpler  worship  of  the  nomads,  and  re- 
pudiated the  Canaanite  superstitions  associated  with  the 
title  Baal.  Jehu  and  Jehonadab  together  set  to  work 
to  exterminate  the  Baal-worshippers.  Jezebel's  temple 
to  Baal  was  dismantled  and  put  to  ignominious  uses, 
and  Jehu  "  destroyed  Baal  out  of  Israel."  ^  That  is  to 
say,  men  no  longer  ventured  to  carry  on  the  Baal- 
worship  in  territory  under  Jehu's  authority.  It  no  doubt 
continued  in  secret  in  obscure  corners  and  in  outlying 
^  II.  Kings,  X.  17.  ^  II.  Kings  x.  28. 


THE    SYRIAN    WARS  109 

districts ;  and  references  in  Hosea  and  elsewhere  show- 
that  it  revived  once  more  in  later  times. 

Athaliah,  Jehoiada,  and  Joash. — The  revolution  at 
Jezreel  had  an  unexpected  sequel  in  Judah.  Doubtless 
when  Jehu  murdered  Ahaziah  and  his  kinsfolk,  he  hoped 
to  make  himself  sole  king  of  Israel  and  Judah.  Events 
at  Jerusalem  seemed  to  further  his  designs.  Ahaziah's 
mother,  and  therefore  the  "  queen-mother,"  a  most 
important  personage  in  an  ancient  Eastern  state,  was 
Athaliah,  the  daughter  of  Ahab  and  Jezebel.  At  the 
death  of  her  son,  her  daughter-in-law  would  in  the  usual 
course  of  affairs  have  become  queen-mother,  and  she 
herself  would  have  fallen  into  a  position  of  insignificance. 
In  order  to  avoid  this  humiliation  she  massacred  all  the 
remaining  members  of  the  royal  family  that  were  within 
her  reach,  and  herself  resumed  the  crown,  and  main- 
tained her  authority  for  six  years.  Like  Jezebel,  Athaliah 
was  a  patroness  of  Baal-worship,  for  which  she  main- 
tained a  temple  and  priesthood. 

We  might  have  expected  that  both  Jehu's  zeal  for 
Yahweh  and  his  personal  ambition  would  have  led  him 
to  overthrow  the  daughter  of  Jezebel,  and  to  take  ad- 
vantage of  her  massacre  of  the  princes  of  the  house  of 
David  by  adding  Judah  to  his  kingdom.  But  he  had  too 
much  on  his  hands  elsewhere ;  and  in  spite  of  religious 
differences  he  may  have  tolerated  Athaliah  as  a  tributary 
till  he  had  time  and  opportunity  to  get  rid  of  her.  In 
the  sixteenth  century,  English  sovereigns  who  persecuted 


iio     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Romanists  at  home  were  often  allied  with  foreign 
Catholic  princes. 

The  fall  of  Athaliah,  however,  was  due  to  an  internal 
revolution.  She  had  not  done  her  work  so  thoroughly 
as  Jehu  ;  for  Jehoash,  the  infant  son  of  Ahaziah,  had 
been  concealed  by  his  aunt  in  a  chamber  of  the  Temple 
and  had  thus  escaped  the  massacre.  For  six  years  he 
was  secretly  cared  for  in  the  Temple.  Then  the  priest 
Jehoiada  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  support  of  the 
army,  especially  of  the  mercenaries  who  formed  the 
royal  bodyguard  and  were  attached  by  long-standing 
tradition  to  the  house  of  David.  Thus  backed  by  an 
armed  force,  Jehoiada  produced  the  seven-year-old 
Joash  before  the  crowds  assembled  in  the  Temple  on 
the  Sabbath,  and  anointed  him  king  amidst  popular 
acclamation.  Athaliah,  venturing  into  the  temple  un- 
attended, was  seized  and  put  to  death,  and  the  people 
sacked  her  temple  and  slew  her  priest,  Mattan. 

Jehoiada  naturally  became  regent  of  Judah  during 
the  long  minority  of  Joash,  so  that  he  exercised  both 
royal  and  priestly  authority,  obviously  to  the  great 
enhancement  of  the  prestige  of  the  Temple,  and  to  the 
increase  of  its  privileges  and  possessions.  We  can  well 
believe  that  when  Joash  became  a  man  Jehoiada  was 
still  inclined  to  keep  him  in  leading-strings,  and  the 
young  king  was  anxious  to  be  independent.  According 
to  II.  Chronicles  xxiii.,  Joash  endured  the  priestly  guid- 
ance till  the  death  of  Jehoiada ;  but  when  the  new  priest, 


THE    SYRIAN    WARS  iii 

Jehoiada's  son  Zechariah,  attempted  to  take  his  father's 
place  as  master  of  the  palace^  the  king,  supported  by 
his  nobles,  persisted  in  going  his  own  way,  and  put 
Zechariah  to  death — all  of  which  is  very  probable. 

The  Chronicler  interpreted  as  a  Divine  judgment  a 
disastrous  Syrian  invasion  which  happened  later  on,^ 
herein  doubtless  representing  the  opinion  of  the  priests 
and  those  who  sympathised  with  them,  more  especially 
certain  conspirators  who  murdered  Joash.^ 

The  Wars  with  Syria. — As  Elisha,  the  instigator  of 
Jehu's  rebellion,  also  suggested  the  revolution  ^  which 
placed  a  new  dynasty  on  the  throne  of  Damascus,  we 
might  have  expected  that  Hazael,  the  founder  of  the 
new  dynasty  would  have  been  friendly  with  Jehu.  But 
this  frail  personal  bond  between  the  two  kings  was 
snapped  by  the  strain  of  international  politics,  and 
another  long  struggle  set  in  between  Israel  and  Syria. 

We  are  only  given  a  bare  outline  of  the  main  features 
of  the  contest,  but  its  character  is  illustrated  by  the 
longer  narratives.  There  were  raids  such  as  that  in 
which  the  "  little  maid  "  was  carried  off  to  be  a  slave  in 
Naaman's  household,  and  those  other  expeditions  by 
which  the  Syrians  sought  to  capture  Elisha.  Doubtless, 
too,  the  Israelites  retaliated  in  like  fashion.     Once  at 

^  II.  Kings  xii.  17. 

2  It  is  doubtful,  however,  whether  the  chronology  of  the  reign 
admits  of  this  close  connection  in  time  between  the  various 
events.  3  H.  Kings  viii.  7-15. 


112     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

least  Samaria  was  besieged,  and  was  on  the  point  of 
being  starved  out,  when  some  sudden  alarm  compelled 
the  Syrians  to  raise  the  siege  and  beat  a  hasty  retreat.^ 

The  general  course  of  this  long  duel  was  somewhat  as 
follows.  At  the  beginning  of  Jehu's  reign  the  Assyrian 
king,  Shalmaneser  II.,  made  two  expeditions  into  Syria 
which  had  a  measure  of  success,  but  failed  in  their  main 
object,  the  reduction  of  Damascus.  Hazael  held  his 
own.  We  learn  from  statements  of  Shalmaneser,  inscribed 
on  the  Black  Obelisk,^  that  on  the  earlier  expedition,  in 
B.C.  842,  he  received  tribute  from  Jehu ;  the  Obelisk 
depicts,  amongst  other  scenes,  the  presentation  of  this 
tribute  by  an  Israelite  embassy. 

But  after  the  second  of  these  two  expeditions,  the 
Assyrian  kings  seem  to  have  been  fully  occupied  in 
the  East  for  more  than  thirty  years,  during  the  rest  of 
the  reign  of  Jehu,  and  most  of  that  of  his  successor, 
Jehoahaz.  Thus  Hazael  was  at  liberty  to  turn  his  full 
strength  against  Israel,  and  Jehu's  submission  to  Shal- 
maneser gave  him  a  plausible  pretext.  The  Israelites 
were  altogether  overmatched  :  Hazael  occupied  all  the 
territory  of  the  eastern  tribes,  and  doubtless  many 
districts  of  Israel.  He  even  penetrated  to  the  south, 
captured   the    Philistine   city    of  Gath,    and    was    only 

1  The  narratives  in  II.  Kings  iv.-vii.  probably  belong,  for  the 
most  part,  to  the  reigns  of  Jehu  and  his  successor.  See  Skinner, 
"  Century  Bible,"  Kings,  pp.  290,  305. 

-  Now  in  the  British  Museum. 


THE    SYRIAN    WARS  113 

induced  to  spare  Jerusalem  by  the  payment  of  heavy 
tribute.  "  In  those  days  Yahweh  began  to  cut  Israel 
short."  1 

At  first  Jehoahaz  fared  no  better  than  Jehu,  and 
Israel  was  reduced  to  great  extremities.  But  towards 
the  end  of  his  reign,  renewed  Assyrian  invasions  crippled 
the  power  of  Damascus,  and  Israel  began  to  make  head 
against  her  enemy.  "Yahweh  gave  Israel  a  saviour."^ 
In  the  next  reign,  that  of  Joash,  the  Israelites  won 
several  victories,  and  recovered  some  of  the  lost  ter- 
ritory. At  last  the  Assyrians  succeeded  in  taking 
Damascus,  and  reducing  it  to  a  tributary  state.  Thus 
the  son  of  Joash,  Jeroboam  II.,  encouraged  by  the 
prophet  Jonah  ben  Amittai,  was  enabled  to  recover  for 
Israel  all  its  old  dominions  ;  he  is  even  said  to  have 
recovered  Damascus.  So  "Yahweh  saved  Israel  by  the 
hand  of  Jeroboam  the  son  of  Joash."  ^ 

Elisha. — During  the  most  desperate  period  of  the 
struggle,  the  prophet  Elisha  was  the  heart  and  soul 
of  the  Israelite  resistance  to  Syria.  He  had  followed 
Elijah  in  promoting  a  revival  of  the  exclusive,  enthusi- 
astic, almost  fanatical  zeal  for  Yahweh;  and  in  the 
interests  of  this  movement  had  placed  Jehu  on  the 
throne.  The  Baal-worship  had  been  suppressed.  Ac- 
cording to  ancient  ideas  such  a  revival  should  have 
been  followed  by  national  prosperity ;  and  when  disasters 

1   II.  Kings  X.  32.         2  II.  Kings  xiii.  5.        ^  II.  Kings  xiv.  ^-j. 

H 


114     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

came  one  after  another,  men's  faith  in  Yahweh,  or,  at 
any  rate,  in  Elisha's  views  about  Him,  must  have  been 
sorely  tried.  Yet  he  retained  his  influence,  and  on  his 
dying  bed  Joash  addressed  him  as  "  My  father,  my 
father,  the  chariots  of  Israel  and  the  horsemen  thereof,'' i 
and  the  prophet  was  able  to  promise  the  king  some 
measure  of  deliverance.  The  man  who  kept  a  brave 
heart  through  those  many  dark  days,  and  maintained  the 
faith  and  courage  of  hfs  people  must  have  been  one  of 
the  most  remarkable  personalities  produced  by  Israel. 

Joash  of  Israel  and  Amaziah  of  Judah. — The  brunt  of 
the  Syrian  war  fell  upon  Israel :  Judah,  indeed,  suffered 
something  from  Hazael,  but  the  pre-occupation  of  the 
northern  kings  with  Syria  prevented  them  from  harass- 
ing Judah,  and  the  southern  state  seems  to  have  enjoyed 
a  considerable  measure  of  independence  and  prosperity, 
so  much  so  that  Amaziah  was  able  to  carry  on  a  success- 
ful war  with  Edom.  Elated  by  this  success,  he  challenged 
Joash  of  Israel,  but  suffered  a  severe  defeat  at  his  hands, 
and  Judah  again  became  tributary  to  Israel. 

1  II.  Kings  xiii.  14. 


CHAPTER   XI 

ISRAEL   UNDER   THE    EARLY   MONARCHY 

The  Book  of  the  Covenant,  Exodus  xx.  22- 
xxin.  19 

And  the  other  laws  and  narratives  of  the  older  documents 
of  the  Pentateuch.^ 

In  following  the  course  of  the  general  history,  we  have 
reached  a  point  at  which  the  social  and  religious  de- 
velopment of  the  two  kingdoms  led  to  a  crisis,  which  was 
the  occasion  of  a  new  outpouring  of  Divine  revelation. 
Before  considering  this  crisis  and  its  causes,  we  must 
glance  for  a  moment  at  the  old  order  which  was  about 
to  disappear.  It  will  be  simplest  to  describe  the  con- 
ditions that  arose  from  the  establishment  of  the  monarchy 
— that  existed,  say,  under  Solomon  and  his  immediate 
successors  in  Israel  and  Judah,  and  to  reserve  the  account 
of  subsequent  changes  for  the  next  chapter.  We  are 
fortunate  in  possessing  in  the  laws  and  narratives  of  the 
older  documents  of  the  Pentateuch,  and  especially  the 
Book  of  the  Covenant,  a  first-class  authority  for  our 
present  subject.     It  is  true  that   the  documents  were 

1  J.  and  E. ;  see  Dr.  Whitehouse's  volume  in  this  series  on  the 
"  Books  of  the  Old  Testament." 

115 


Ti6     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

compiled  under  the  Middle  rather  than  the  Early  Mon- 
archy ;  but  they  are  mostly  a  collection  of  precedents 
and  rules  derived  from  the  common  law  of  the  old  order, 
and  are  not  innovations  connected  with  the  establish- 
ment of  a  new  regime. 

Social  Conditions. — The  Israelites  were  mainly  occu- 
pied with  agriculture.  The  commerce  which  had  grown 
up  under  Solomon  dwindled  after  the  Disruption  and 
the  rapid  decay  of  the  military  power  of  Israel.  A 
certain  trade  always  went  on ;  its  amount  and  the  extent 
to  which  it  was  in  native  hands  varied  with  the  changing 
fortunes  of  the  state.  Thus  when  Damascus  was  in 
the  ascendant  the  Syrians  had  a  trading  quarter  in 
Samaria ;  and  a  similar  privilege  was  granted  to  Israelites 
at  Damascus  after  Ahab's  victories.  The  comparative 
silence  of  our  authorities  on  this  subject  shows  that 
during  the  period  after  Solomon,  commercial  activity 
was  not  a  prominent  feature  of  the  national  life — a  view 
that  is  confirmed  by  the  prohibition  of  loans  at  interest.^ 

Similarly,  manufactures  were  mostly  domestic;  an 
IsraeHte  homestead  was  sufficient  to  itself — did  its  own 
spinning  and  weaving,  for  instance,  and  made  its  own 
clothes.  In  towns  there  were  smiths,  potters,  carpenters, 
and  masons ;  and  a  considerable  artisan  class  must  have 
grown  up  in  the  capitals  and  other  large  cities.  We  do 
not  know  how  far  the  country  districts  had  local  crafts- 
men, and  how  far  they  were  served  by  itinerant  workers. 
^  Exod.  xxii.  25. 


EARLY    MONARCHY  117 

Solomon's  building  was  partly  done  by  Phoenician  car- 
penters, masons,  and  metal  workers.^ 

The  land  belonged  to  the  farmers  who  cultivated  it ; 
we  do  not  read  of  the  hiring  of  land.  There  were  large 
estates,  but  they  were  comparatively  few.  On  the  other 
hand,  there  was  little  extreme  poverty  amongst  freemen. 

Slavery  existed  in  Israel  as  in  all  ancient  communities, 
but,  on  the  whole,  in  a  mild  form.  The  Israelite  slave 
was  better  off  than  an  unskilled  labourer  or  a  worker 
in  a  sweated  industry  to-day ;  and  slavery  provided  a 
refuge  for  the  destitute  which  was  less  humiliating  to  the 
honest  poor  than  the  modern  workhouse. 

There  was  not  much  hired  labour  on  the  land,  and 
the  hireling  was  often  a  ger  or  resident  alien. 

Internal  Politics. — The  monarchy  secured  a  large 
measure  of  social  order,  at  the  expense  of  a  moderate 
amount  of  taxation,  and  occasional  acts  of  tyranny  on 
the  part  of  the  king  and  his  officials.  The  administra- 
tion of  justice  was  partly  tainted  by  corruption.  But  we 
learn  from  the  "Book  of  the  Covenant"  that  the  Israel 
of  the  Early  Monarchy,  in  common  with  other  Semitic 
peoples,  sought  to  apply  wise  and  humane  principles, 
such  as  those  which  inspired  the  Code  of  Hammurabi.^ 

Local  affairs  still  remained  largely  in  the  hands  of  the 
local  notables,  the  sheikhs,  and  the  heads  of  families. 

^  I.  Kings  V.  18,  vii.  f. 

-  King  of  Babylon,  c.  B.C.  2100,  usually  identified  with  Amraphal, 
the  contemporary  of  Abraham. 


ii8     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Religion. — We  need  only  say  a  word  or  two  on  this 
head,  as  it  is  dealt  with  in  another  volume  of  this  series.^ 
In  both  kingdoms  all  Israelites,  in  differing  fashions  and 
with  varying  degrees  of  zeal,  worshipped  Yahweh.  The 
royal  sanctuaries  at  Jerusalem  and  Bethel  enjoyed  a 
certain  pre-eminence,  but  there  were  others  of  great  im- 
portance at  Gilgal,  Beersheba,  Dan,  and  a  multitude  of 
"  high  places,"  where  sacrifices  were  offered  to  the  God 
of  Israel.  At  the  same  time,  the  people  generally  re- 
cognised a  number  of  other  supernatural  beings ;  pro- 
bably some  sort  of  ancestor  worship  prevailed ;  and  the 
less  precise  did  not  feel  that  loyalty  to  Yahweh  was  com- 
promised by  supplementary  worship  of  foreign  Baals  or 
other  deities.  In  previous  chapters  we  have  traced  the 
struggle  between  these  latitudinarians  and  the  champions 
of  a  pure,  rational,  and  exclusive  worship  of  the  God  of 
Israel.  A  class  of  professional  prophets,  organised  in 
guilds  or  companies,  seem  to  have  played  an  important 
part  in  the  advocacy  of  such  worship;  though  there 
seem  also  to  have  been  prophetic  guilds  under  royal 
patronage  who  took  the  opposite  side — at  any  rate  in  the 
Northern  Kingdom. 

Art,  Science,  and  Literature. — The  Israelites  of 
the  monarchy  were  not  distinguished  for  pictures  or 
sculpture.  The  latter  art  was  chiefly  applied  to  making 
images  of  Yahweh  and  other  gods ;  and  as  this  practice 
was  offensive  to  many  of  His  most  devoted  worshippers, 
^  See  The  Religion  of  Israel,  by  Professor  Peake. 


EARLY    MONARCHY  119 

probably  they,  like  some  other  Puritans,  discouraged 
art  altogether.  The  architecture  of  the  Temple  and 
o:her  buildings  was,  no  doubt,  borrowed  from  the 
Canaanites  and  other  foreign  countries.  There  was 
sonae  elementary  knowledge  of  arithmetic,  geometry, 
and  medicine,  of  the  most  primitive  character.  As  far 
as  roads  and  aqueducts  were  concerned,  there  was 
some  acquaintance  with  engineering.  An  underground 
channel  for  water  has  been  discovered,  probably  made 
in  the  time  of  Hezekiah,  which  was  the  work  of  two 
sets  of  men,  starting  from  opposite  ends  and  meeting 
in  the  middle.^ 

There  was  a  considerable  literature  during  this  period 
in  the  form  of  poems  and  popular  narratives,  embodying 
the  Israelite  versions  of  Semitic  folk-lore,  and  dealing 
with  Israelite  heroes  and  the  critical  events  of  history. 
Collections  of  customary  law  were  made,  and  some 
sort  of  annals  were  compiled  by  the  scribes  of  the 
royal  households  and  of  the  great  temples.  What 
survives  of  this  literature  is  either  religious,  or  has  been 
preserved  on  account  of  the  light  it  throws  on  the  nature 
and  history  of  the  faith  and  worship  of  Israel.^ 

^  So  the  Siloam  Inscription. 

'  Cf  The  Books  of  the  Old  Testament." 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE   PROPHETS   OF   EIGHTH   CENTURY, 
AMOS,    HOSEA,    ISAIAH,    AND    MICAH 


C.  B.C. 

C.  RC 

Azariah  or  Uzziah 

.     798 

Jeroboam  II, 

.     7«5 

Regency  of  Jotham 

.     749 

Zechariah     , 

•     745 

Shallum 

•     745 

Menahem 

•     745 

Jotham  sole  ruler . 

.     739 

Pekahiah       . 

.     T^ 

Ahaz    , 

•     735 

Pekah  . 

'     735 

Hoshea 

•     732 

Fall  of  Samaria    . 

.     722 

Hezekiah 

.     720 

Manasseh     . 

.     692 

II.   Kings   xv.-xxi.,  Amos,    Hosea,   Isaiah   i.-xxiii., 

XXVIII.    f,,    MiCAH    I.-III. 

Extra-Biblical  Sources  of  Information. 

The  inscriptions  of  the  Assyrian  kings,  from  which  the  following 
dates  are  fixed  : — 

B.C. 

Menahem  pays  tribute 738 

Population  of  Galilee  carried  captive  by  Tiglath-Pileser         .  733 

Damascus  taken  by  the  Assyrians 732 

Fall  of  Samaria 722 

Invasion  of  Sennacherib 701 

Social  and  other  Changes. — The  Israel  sketched  in 
the  last  chapter  was  the  starting-point  of  a  process 
which  was  already  beginning  under  Solomon,  or  even 


EIGHTH    CENTURY    PROPHETS    121 

earlier,  and  which  reached  a  climax  in  the  eighth 
century.  A  central  government,  maintained  continu- 
ously for  any  length  of  time,  creates  a  governing  class 
of  officials,  nobles,  and  men  of  wealth,  who  exploit 
the  material  progress  of  the  country,  "  the  advance  of 
civilisation,"  in  the  interests  of  themselves,  their  friends, 
and  relations.  Occasional  changes  of  dynasty  and 
other  revolutions  simply  change  the  personnel  of  this 
class.  Methods  in  the  ancient  East  were  crude ;  sheer 
exercise  of  royal  authority  could  do  something ;  ^  and 
where  that  failed,  the  judges  were  usually  amenable  to 
suitable  means  of  persuasion.  At  the  outset,  as  we 
have  said,  the  Israelite  farmers  owned  their  land ;  but 
as  time  went  on,  the  number  of  large  estates  rapidly 
increased;  by  fair  means  or  foul,  great  landowners 
ousted  the  yeomen  from  their  farms.  These,  dispos- 
sessed of  the  inheritance  of  their  fathers,  were  either 
reduced  to  slavery,  or  became  landless  paupers.  The 
new  order  had  not  yet  sufficiently  developed  to  provide 
a  place  and  a  livelihood  for  them. 

At  the  same  time,  the  advance  of  civiHsation  led  to 
more  luxurious  habits  of  living  amongst  the  wealthy 
and  their  dependants,  together  with  a  relaxing  of  the 
more  austere  moral  conventions  of  primitive  times. 

The  priests  of  the  great  sanctuaries,  as  wealthy  and 
dignified  ecclesiastics,    w^ould   be   associated  by   many 
ties  of  interest  and  sympathy  with  the  other  notables, 
^  I.  Sam.  viii.  11-18. 


122     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

to  the  detriment  of  their  moral  and  spiritual  influence. 
The  ritual,  no  doubt,  was  profuse,  elaborate,  and 
splendid ;  but  too  often  it  was  a  substitute  for  devotion 
to  God,  for  a  pure  life,  and  for  justice  and  benevolence 
towards  men/  The  priests  were  too  much  concerned 
for  the  comfort  and  culture  they  shared  with  their 
wealthy  friends  to  be  very  strongly  moved  by  the 
distress  of  the  poor,  or  the  growing  corruption  of  the 
nation.  These  tendencies  to  luxury  and  vice  were 
reinforced  by  the  influence  of  international  relations, 
especially  with  Assyria,  which  promoted  foreign  fashions, 
and  encouraged  the  constant  inclination  of  the  Israelites 
to  adulterate  the  worship  of  Yahweh  with  heathen 
superstitions.  The  development  of  material  progress 
and  social  corruption  was  fostered  and  brought  to  a 
head  by  the  prosperity  of  the  long  reigns  of  Jeroboam  11. 
of  Israel  and  Uzziah  of  Judah. 

Amos  and  Hosea. — Thus,  once  more,  there  was 
serious  danger  lest  the  ethical  and  spiritual  religion 
associated  with  faith  in  Yahweh,  the  fruit  of  earlier 
revelation,  should  be  reduced  to  the  level  of  neighbour- 
ing cults;  and  the  national  worship  of  Israel  should 
become  a  mere  instrument  of  government,  and  the 
expression  of  a  narrow  and  selfish  patriotism.  The 
influential  classes  were  not  conscious  of  anything 
wrong;   they    thought   that    they  were  on   the  best  of 

^  Amos  iv.  4-5,  V.  21-24;  Isa.  i.  ;  Hosea  vi.  9,  viii.  11-14; 
Micahiii.  11. 


EIGHTH    CENTURY    PROPHETS    123 

terms  with  Yahweh.  Were  they  not  assiduous  and 
munificent  in  their  offerings  to  Him  ?  Was  not  their 
prosperity  an  outward  and  visible  token  of  His  approval  ? 
At  this  crisis  God  raised  up  a  new  succession  of 
prophets,  with  a  new  message  for  the  times.  Yahweh 
was  not  satisfied  with  ritual,  however  exclusive  and 
correct ;  He  was  no  tyrant,  hungry  for  homage  and 
tribute.  Thus  saith  Yahweh,  "  I  will  have  benevolence 
and  not  sacrifice."^  Henceforth  one  of  the  chief 
demands  which  the  prophets  and  priests,  whom  we 
recognise  as  the  inspired  teachers  of  revealed  truth, 
made  in  the  name  of  Yahweh,  was  for  an  equitable 
social  order.  History  and  tradition  led  them  to  look 
for  such  a  system  in  a  restoration  of  the  old  state  of 
affairs  in  which  the  Israelite  freeman  owned  the  land 
he  cultivated ;  but  the  principle  for  which  they  con- 
tended was  that  the  national  resources  should  be  used 
to  secure  a  worthy  life  for  all,  and  not  to  minister  to 
the  arrogance  and  self-indulgence  of  a  privileged  few. 

The  new  prophets  also  attacked  the  sanctuaries,  partly 
because  the  worship  was  external  and  divorced  from  any 
spirit  of  justice,  purity,  and  benevolence;  partly  because 
the  ritual  in  itself  was  corrupt.  In  earlier  times  images 
of  one  kind  or  another,  and  various  symbols  of  the  Deity, 

^  Hosea  vi.  6.  We  have  no  English  equivalent  of  the  word 
hesedh,  represented  by  "  benevolence  "  ;  it  includes  loyalty,  bene- 
volence, and  beneficence.  G.  A.  Smith  renders  it  by  "  leal 
love." 


124     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

had  been  freely  used  in  the  sanctuaries  of  Yahweh  ;  but 
now  they  were  expressly  condemned.-'^ 

A  blow  was  also  struck  at  a  cherished  article  of  faith, 
the  belief  in  Yahweh  as  the  Divine  champion  who  would 
always  protect  and  deliver  His  people  if  only  He  were 
duly  propitiated  by  sacrifices.  It  was  now  taught  that 
to  be  the  people  of  Yahweh  was  not  only  a  privilege ;  it 
was  also  a  heavy  responsibility.  Yahweh  was  just  and 
beneficent,  and  expected  His  people  to  be  like  Him- 
self. "You  only  have  I  known  of  all  the  families  of 
the  earth :  therefore  will  I  visit  upon  you  all  your 
iniquities."  ^ 

Doubtless  these  truths  belonged  in  a  measure  to  an 
old  tradition ;  but  as  they  were  now  stated  they  came 
to  most  men  as  unwelcome  novelties.  We  have  already 
seen  traces  of  division  between  the  prophetic  guilds. 
From  this  point  onwards  the  guilds,  the  professional 
prophets  as  a  body,  became  more  and  more  identified 
with  the  lower  forms  of  the  worship  of  Yahweh,  which 
were  very  generally  regarded  as  the  established  religion, 
supported  by  a  conservative  tradition.  The  inspired 
prophets,  whose  words  have  been  recorded  for  us,  had 
sympathisers — but  they  represented  a  small  minority  of 
their  order.^  Most  of  the  prophets  were  nationalist,  and 
clung  to  the  faith  in  the  Divine  champion. 

Another  new  feature  is  the  combination  of  literature 

1  Isa.  X.  II.  "  Amos  iii.  2. 

^  Amos  vii.  14;  Hosea  ix.  7,  8. 


EIGHTH    CENTURY    PROPHETS    125 

and  prophecy  ;  the  utterances  of  the  new  prophets  were 
committed  to  writing  either  by  themselves  or  their 
disciples. 

This  movement  first  made  itself  felt  in  the  Northern 
Kingdom  in  the  reign  of  Jeroboam  11. ;  Amos,  a  herds- 
man, or  more  probably  a  grazier,  of  Tekoa  in  Judah, 
appeared  at  the  royal  sanctuary  at  Bethel,  and  made 
a  violent  attack  upon  the  king,  and  announced  the 
coming  captivity  of  the  people.  Driven  from  thence, 
he  continued  to  denounce  the  social,  moral,  and  religious 
corruption  of  the  times.  His  efforts  were  seconded 
and  continued  by  Hosea,  who  had  suffered  in  his  own. 
family  from  the  prevalent  immorality. 

The  Fall  of  Samaria. — It  was  under  such  conditions 
that  the  Northern  Kingdom  was  called  upon  to  enter  on 
its  death-struggle  with  Assyria.  Up  to  a  certain  point, 
the  Assyrian  advance  had  crippled  Damascus,  and  left 
Jeroboam  II.  free  to  restore  Israel  to  something  of  its 
ancient  power.  But  the  swelling  tide  would  inevitably 
sweep  onward  and  swallow  up  Israel.  Submission  as 
a  loyal  and  faithful  tributary  might  have  enabled  it  to 
survive ;  this  pohcy  was  tried,  but  not  persisted  in. 

The  dynasty  of  Jehu  perished  with  Jeroboam's  son 
and  successor,  Zachariah ;  and  after  a  second  revolution 
and  a  bloody  civil  war  a  certain  Menahem  established 
himself  on  the  throne,  and  purchased  the  support  of 
Assyria  by  a  heavy  tribute,  mentioned  both  in  Kings  and 
in  the  Assyrian  inscriptions.     We  gather  from  the  details 


126     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

in  the  Old  Testament  that  there  were  at  this  time  60,000 
men  of  means — /.<?.,  probably  landowners,  in  Israel. 

Menahem's  son,  Pekahiah,  was  murdered  after  a  short 
reign  by  Pekah,  apparently  a  Gileadite.  The  new  king 
joined  with  Rezin  of  Damascus  in  revolting  against 
Assyria,  and  in  an  unsuccessful  attempt  to  make  Judah 
join  their  confederacy.^  The  revolt  was  speedily  sup- 
pressed by  Tiglath-Pileser,  who  took  Damascus,  and 
carried  off  captive  the  population  of  Gilead  and  Galilee. 
Pekah  was  murdered,  and  the  last  king  of  Israel,  Hoshea 
ben  Elah,  installed  as  a  tributary  of  Assyria. 

But  at  this  point  Egypt  reappeared  upon  the  scene. 
During  the  greater  part  of  the  period  of  the  monarchy 
Egypt  had  been  weakened  by  internal  troubles;  now, 
however,  a  new  dynasty  ^  had  arisen,  and,  having  estab- 
lished its  power  at  home,  began  to  interfere  in  the  affairs 
of  Western  Asia.  The  unfortunate  Hoshea,  tempted  by 
the  prospect  of  Egyptian  help,  revolted  against  Assyria ; 
no  help  came,  and  he  was  deposed  and  imprisoned.  His 
capital,  Samaria,  endured  a  three  years'  siege  before  it 
surrendered. 

With  the  fall  of  Samaria,  the  Northern  Kingdom 
came  to  an  end.  The  bulk  of  the  people  were  transported 
to  various  districts  of  Assyria,  and  were  lost  in  the  heathen 
population.  On  the  other  hand,  immigrants  from 
distant  regions  were  settled  in  Northern  Israel,  hence- 

^  Cf.  below,  p.  129. 

2  Twenty-fifth  (Ethiopian). 


EIGHTH    CENTURY    PROPHETS    127 

forward  known  as  Samaria.  The  new-comers  eventually 
amalgamated  with  the  remnant  of  the  Israelites  left  be- 
hind in  the  land ;  this  hybrid  race  adopted  a  corrupt 
form  of  the  worship  of  Yahweh,  and  ultimately  became 
the  people  and  sect  of  the  Samaritans. 

There  is  evidence  which  seems  to  show^  that  the  terri- 
tory, or  a  portion  of  it,  was  again  organised  as  a  state 
tributary  to  Assyria  after  these  events. 

Isaiah  and  Micah. — The  social  and  religious  condition 
of  Judah  was  not  materially  different  from  that  of  Israel ; 
and  prophets  appeared  in  Judah  with  substantially  the 
same  message  as  that  of  Amos  and  Hosea.  Two  names 
have  come  down  to  us,  Isaiah  and  Micah.  Micah  is 
chiefly  known  by  the  fragments  of  his  teaching  pre- 
served in  the  book  which  bears  his  name ;  but  we  have 
something  like  a  biography  of  Isaiah.  He  was  called 
to  the  prophetic  office  as  a  young  man,  about  the  time 
of  the  death  of  Uzziah,  739  B.C.,  and  continued  his 
ministry  for  some  forty  years  or  more,  till  after  the  in- 
vasion of  Sennacherib,  in  701  B.C.  While  Micah  repre- 
sented the  country  districts,  Isaiah  lived  and  taught  in 
Jerusalem,  in  close  relations  with  the  court,  and  the 
Temple  and  its  priesthood.  He  was  a  rharried  man  with 
a  family,  but  he  was  so  absorbed  in  his  mission  that  he 
labelled  his  children  with  names — "  The  spoil  speedeth, 
he  prey  hasteth,"  and  "  The  remnant  shall  return  "  ^ — 
that  summed  up  two  leading  features  of  his  early 
^  Maher-Shalal-hash-baz,  Shear -Jashub. 


128     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

teaching,  the  imminence  of  a  disastrous  invasion,  and 
the  ultimate  salvation  of  a  remnant. 

As  Elisha  had  guided  with  his  counsels  the  earlier 
kings  of  the  house  of  Jehu,  so  Isaiah  sought  to  direct 
the  policy  of  Ahaz  and  Hezekiah,  but  with  less  success. 
The  later  prophet's  demands  were  more  exacting,  and  less 
in  accordance  with  what  seemed  the  obvious  interests  of  his 
country.  The  immediate  effect  of  the  first  years  of  his 
ministry  was  chiefly  confined  to  a  small  circle  of  disciples;^ 
and  it  was  only  towards  the  end  of  his  career  that  he 
exercised  a  decisive  influence  on  the  fortunes  of  Judah.- 

Isaiah  possessed  many  and  varied  gifts  ;  he  was  a  man 
of  affairs,  a  statesman,  and  a  patriot ;  he  was  an  eloquent 
speaker,  and  one  of  the  world's  greatest  poets  ;  he  had 
a  large  share  in  bringing  about  important  and  indispens- 
able reforms  in  the  ecclesiastical  system  of  Judah.^  He 
was  equally  distinguished  as  a  man  of  profound  spiritual 
experience  and  a  theological  thinker ;  the  Divine  message 
with  which  he  was  inspired  marks  a  distinct  step  in  the 
development  of  pure,  ethical  monotheism. 

The  Deliverance  from  Sennacherib. — In  considering 
the  fortunes  of  Judah,  the  sphere  of  Isaiah's  work,  we 
have  to  retrace  our  steps  somewhat.  We  have  already 
brought  the  history  of  the  Southern  Kingdom  to  the 
reign  of  Uzziah.*  In  his  later  years  Uzziah  was  afflicted 
with  leprosy,  and  the  government  was  carried  on  by  his 

^  Isaiah  viii.-xvi.  i8.  "^  Cf.  below,  p.  131. 

3  Cf.  below,  p.  132.  ^  Cf.  p.  122. 


EIGHTH    CENTURY    PROPHETS    129 

son  Jothara,  who  succeeded  him.  The  ecclesiastical 
policy  of  these  two  rulers  was  in  the  main  favourable  to 
the  higher  interests  of  the  national  faith.  But  the  next 
king,  Ahaz,  was  more  lax  in  his  religious  views  and 
practices  ;  "  he  walked  in  the  ways  of  the  kings  of  Israel."^ 
His  refusal  to  join  in  the  confederacy  against  Assyria  ^ 
brought  upon  Judah  a  devastating  invasion  and  an  un- 
successful siege  of  the  capital.  It  was  probably  in 
connection  with  this  siege  that  Ahaz  "made  his  son  to 
pass  through  the  fire  " — i.e.  offered  him  as  a  sacrifice  to 
Yahweh,  as  the  king  of  Moab  on  a  similar  occasion  offered 
his  son  to  Chemosh.^  The  siege  was  raised,  and  the 
Assyrian  campaign  against  Israel  and  Damascus  relieved 
Judah  of  all  further  anxiety.  Ahaz,  as  the  tributary  of 
Assyria — a  connection  against  which  Isaiah  protested 
in  vain — attended  the  court  of  the  Assyrian  king  at 
Damascus;  and  subsequently  made  various  changes  in 
the  equipment  of  the  Temple  at  Jerusalem  which  were 
probably  distasteful  to  the  advocates  of  pure  worship. 

During  the  closing  period  of  the  reign  of  Ahaz,  Judah 
was  the  spectator  of  the  last  agony  of  Samaria,^  without 
making  any  attempt  to  help.^  This  attitude  may  have 
been  partly  due  to  the  persistent  hostility  of  the  new 
prophet  to  the  government  of  Israel. 

1  II.  Kings  xvi.  3.        ^  qj^  above,  p.  126.       '  II.  Kings  iii.  27. 

*  The  chronological  data  at  this  point  are  very  difficult  to  co- 
ordinate ;  see  "  Century  Bible,"  Kings ^  p.  385.  Here,  as  elsewhere, 
the  dates  for  this  period  are  taken  from  p.  $1  of  that  volume. 

^  As  far  as  our  information  goes. 

I 


I30     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

The  position  of  the  next  king  of  Judah,  Hezekiah, 
was  extremely  difficult ;  his  realm  was  tributary  to  Assyria, 
and  that  empire  claimed  suzerainty  over  the  whole  of 
Palestine.  But  Egypt,  a  near  neighbour,  and  of  late 
years  again  a  formidable  power,  was  eager  to  regain  its 
old  possessions  in  Asia ;  its  diplomacy  constantly  sought 
to  make  trouble  for  Assyria  by  stirring  up  its  subjects 
to  revolt,  and  at  any  moment  an  Egyptian  army  might 
appear  upon  the  scene.  Moreover,  the  Assyrian  empire 
was  become  unwieldy  through  the  multiplication  of 
subject  states,  always  ready  to  revolt.  The  political 
equilibrium  was  very  unstable,  and  called  for  more  states- 
manship than  Hezekiah  possessed. 

At  first  things  went  well;  Hezekiah  remained  loyal 
to  Assyria,  and  it  was  probably  the  advance  southwards 
of  the  Assyrian  king,  Sargon,  and  his  victory  over  an 
Egyptian  army  in  Philistine  territory,  that  enabled  Heze- 
kiah to  obtain  advantage  over  the  Philistines. 

But  when  the  Assyrian  army  had  departed,  and  Sargon 
was  occupied  by  troubles  at  home,  the  south  Palestinian 
states,  instigated  by  Egypt,  again  became  restless.  At 
the  same  time  Babylon,  the  most  important  tributary  of 
Assyria,  was  in  revolt,  and  its  king,  Merodach-Baladan, 
sent  ambassadors  to  Hezekiah,  and  doubtless  also  to  his 
neighbours,  with  the  obvious  intention  of  forming  a  con- 
federacy against  Sargon.^     The  cordial  reception  given 

^  This  incident  is  misplaced  in  Kings  and  the  dependent  accounts 
in  Isaiah  and  Chronicles. 


EIGHTH    CENTURY    PROPHETS    131 

to  this  embassy  lends  support  to  the  charge  made  by 
an  Assyrian  inscription  against  Judah  of  joining  Edom, 
Moab,  and  Philistia  in  offering  to  transfer  their  allegiance 
from  Assyria  to  Egypt.  But  the  movement  was  speedily 
quelled  by  an  Assyrian  expedition,  and  Hezekiah  sub- 
mitted in  time  to  avoid  any  serious  penalty. 

From  this  time  onwards  Isaiah  and  the  prophets  of  his 
party,  and  so  later  on  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel,  oppose  any 
alliance  with  Egypt. 

When,  in  b.c.  705,  Sargon  was  succeeded  by  Senna- 
cherib, there  was  a  general  revolt  of  the  Palestinian  peoples 
against  Assyria.  Sennacherib  was  not  able  to  attend  to 
Palestine  till  B.C.  701 ;  then  he  conducted  a  successful 
series  of  operations  till  he  reached  Philistia,  where  he  de- 
feated an  Egyptian  army  at  Eltekeh.  Hezekiah,  as  usual, 
submitted  when  the  Assyrians  entered  Judah.  But  not 
content  with  levying  a  heavy  fine,  Sennacherib  demanded 
the  surrender  of  Jerusalem.  Encouraged  by  Isaiah,  the 
Jewish  king  ventured  to  refuse,  and  his  faith  was  rewarded 
by  a  signal  deliverance.  An  unexpected  calamity,  also 
mentioned  by  the  Greek  historian  Herodotus,  compelled 
Sennacherib  to  beat  a  hasty  retreat,  and'  Jerusalem  was 
saved.^ 

^  According  to  Herodotus,  the  Assyrian  bow-strings  were  de- 
stroyed by  mice,  a  statement  understood  by  some  as  a  figure  for  a 
pestilence.  According  to  11.  Kings  xix.  7,  Sennacherib's  hasty 
retreat  was  due  to  bad  news  from  home.  The  silence  of  the 
Assyrian  annals  as  to  this  disaster  is  no  argument  against  its 
-historicity. 


132     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Although  the  capital  escaped,  the  country  had  been 
laid  waste ;  Sennacherib  tells  us  that  he  captured  forty- 
six  walled  towns,  and  carried  away  more  than  two  hundred 
thousand  captives. 

The  part  played  by  Isaiah  in  this  crisis  gave  him  a 
predominating  influence  in  the  royal  counsels,  and  Heze- 
kiah  reformed  the  public  worship  at  the  Temple  and  else- 
where according  to  the  principles  advocated  by  the 
prophet  and  his  adherents.^  Amongst  other  reforms, 
the  king  destroyed  an  image,  possibly  of  Yahweh,  in 
the  shape  of  a  copper  serpent,  reputed  to  have  been 
made  by  Moses,  and  hitherto  kept  in  the  Temple  as 
an  object  for  worship. 

^  These  reforms  are  placed  by  Khigs,  &c.,  earlier  in  the  reign, 
probably  owing  to  a  very  simple  misunderstanding  of  the  original 
sources. 


CHAPTER   XIII 
THE   REFORMS   OF   JOSIAH 

c.  B.C. 

Manasseh 692 

Amon 638 

Josiah 637 

Jehoahaz 607 

II.  Kings  xxi.-xxiii. 

Extra-Biblical  Sources  of  Informatio?j. 

Inscriptions  of  Esarhaddon  and  Asshurbanipal,   kings  of 

Assyria  ;  Herodotus,  ii.   159. 

The  Reaction  under  Manasseh. — The  reforms  of  Hezekiah 
rested  on  royal  authority  rather  than  on  popular  sympathy 
and  conviction.  Under  his  son  Manasseh  the  party 
opposed  to  Isaiah — a  party  which  no  doubt  regarded  itself 
as  conservative  and  orthodox — regained  power,  and 
promptly  reversed  the  policy  of  Hezekiah  by  restoring 
all  the  time-honoured  superstitions.  Moreover,  the 
tendency  to  eclecticism,^  which  Israel  shared  with  most 
ancient  peoples,  received  a  fresh  stimulus  from  Judah's 
dependence  on  Assyria.  During  the  earlier  part  of 
Manasseh's  reign  the  supremacy  of  Assyria  in  Western 
Asia  was  not  seriously  challenged ;  and  Esarhaddon  and 

1  i.e.  the  combining  of  the  worship  and  faith  of  different  religions. 
133 


134     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Asshurbanipal  conducted   successful  campaigns  against 
Egypt,  and  made  its  rulers  their  vassals. 

An  inscription  of  Esarhaddon's  tells  us  that  he  received 
tribute  from  Manasseh.  An  almost  inevitable  conse- 
quence of  Assyrian  suzerainty  was  the  recognition  of 
Assyrian  cults  at  Jerusalem.  The  Temple,  as  the  royal 
chapel,  was  the  natural  place  in  which  to  give  effect  to 
the  official  deference  to  the  claims  of  the  dominant 
power.  Altars  to  the  "host  of  heaven" — gods  of  the 
sun  and  of  the  moon  and  the  astral  deities  who  were 
conspicuous  in  the  Assyrian  Pantheon — were  erected 
in  the  courts  of  the  Temple.  Such  an  encroachment 
upon  the  rights  of  Yahweh  provoked  fierce  opposition ; 
probably  there  were  riots,  or  even  an  organised  insur- 
rection, which  were  suppressed  by  ruthless  massacres.^ 
Apparently  the  religious  policy  of  the  court  continued 
mainly  on  the  lines  laid  down  by  Manasseh  through 
the  short  reign  of  his  successor  Amon,  and  during  the 
minority  of  Josiah. 

^  According  to  II.  Chron.  xxxiii.  11-13,  Manasseh  was  at  one 
time  a  prisoner  in  Babylon  (then  subject  to  Assyria),  which  is 
quite  probable.  But,  as  Dr.  Skinner  says  {Kifigs,  p.  406),  "  the 
further  statement  that  he  repented  and  reversed  the  policy  of  his 
earlier  reign  is  harder  to  believe  in  face  of  the  silence  of  Kings." 
Kings  also  implies  that  Manasseh's  eclectic  policy  prevailed  till 
Josiah's  reforms.  Perhaps  Manasseh  on  his  return  to  Jerusalem 
made  some  concessions,  without  altering  the  general  character  of 
his  policy.  He  may  have  removed  the  obnoxious  altars  from  the 
Temple  and  placed  them  elsewhere. 


THE    REFORMS    OF   JOSIAH     135 

The  Reforms  of  Josiah. — Josiah  came  to  the  throne  at 
the  age  of  eight  years ;  it  is  not  improbable  that  during 
his  minority  the  government  was  still  in  the  hands  of 
the  anti-prophetic  party/  and  that,  as  often  happens,  the 
young  sovereign  only  achieved  his  independence  by 
throwing  himself  into  the  arms  of  the  opponents  of  the 
Regency — i.e.  in  this  case,  by  identifying  himself  with 
the  prophetic  party. 

It  appears  that  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  Josiah 
repairs  were  in  progress  at  the  Temple,  and  the  king's 
secretary  Shaphan  went  to  make  arrangements  for  paying 
the  work-people.  While  he  was  there  the  priest  Hilkiah 
said  to  him,  "  I  have  found  the  book  of  the  law  in  the 
Temple,"  and  gave  him  the  book  in  question.  Shaphan 
read  it,  and  took  it  with  him,  and  read  it  to  the 
king. 

The  book  contained  more  or  less  of  our  Deuterono7ny^ 
more  especially  the  legislative  portions.^  This  work 
confirmed  the  social  and  religious  teaching  of  Isaiah 
and  his  supporters,  and  condemned  the  abuses  that  were 
current  in  Judah.     It  promised  blessings  to  those  who 

^  It  is  convenient  to  use  the  term  "prophetic  party"  to  denote 
the  adherents  of  Isaiah  and  Jeremiah  and  their  teaching,  and  the 
term  "anti-prophetic  party  "  to  denote  their  opponents;  but  as  a 
matter  of  fact  the  professional  prophets  as  a  class  belonged  to  what 
we  call  the  "anti-prophetic  party." 

^  The  substance  of  Deut.  xii.-xxvi.,  and  probably  xxvii.,  or 
something  corresponding  to  it ;  but  see  on  Deuteronomy  in  the 
"  Books  of  the  Old  Testament"  in  this  series. 


136     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

obeyed  its  ordinances,  and  pronounced  curses  upon 
those  who  disobeyed. 

As  the  king  listened,  he  felt  that  he  was  hearing  the 
Divine  sentence  pronounced  against  his  country,  and  he 
rent  his  clothes.  But  lest  this  book  should  be  without 
authority,  he  sent  an  important  deputation  to  a  certain 
prophetess  Huldah  to  inquire  of  Yahweh  concerning  the 
matter.  Huldah  entirely  confirmed  the  teaching  of  the 
book. 

Then  Josiah  called  a  general  assembly  of  the  people 
in  the  Temple,  and  read  the  book  to  them,  and  made 
them  enter  into  a  solemn  covenant  with  Yahweh  to  ob- 
serve its  commands.  Forthwith  he  himself  set  about 
making  a  clean  sweep  of  all  that  was  unworthy  and 
superstitious  in  the  worship  of  the  people.  The  cata- 
logue shows  how  extremely  slight  and  partial  all  previous 
reformations  must  have  been :  for  instance,  the  temples 
which  Solomon  had  built  for  foreign  deities  were  still 
standing  on  the  Mount  of  Olives. 

Now,  however,  the  "high  places,"  the  numerous 
sanctuaries  which  had  become  centres  of  superstitious 
worship,  were  suppressed  ;  and  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem, 
purged  of  similar  corruptions,  was  henceforth  to  be  the 
only  legitimate  shrine  of  Yahweh. 

Defeat  and  Death  of  Josiah. — If  time  and  opportunity 
had  been  given,  it  is  possible  that  these  reforms  might 
have  proved  a  powerful  influence  for  good  on  the  life  of 
Judah ;  but  a  great  revolution  was  in  progress  in  inter- 


THE    REFORMS    OF    JOSIAH     137 

national  politics  which  involved  the  speedy  ruin  of  king 
and  people.  During  the  reign  of  Josiah  the  Assyrian 
empire  was  rapidly  crumbling  away;  its  strength  was 
shaken  by  a  devastating  invasion  of  hordes  of  Scythian 
barbarians,  and  its  supremacy  was  challenged  by  the 
growing  power  of  Media  and  Babylon.  Josiah  himself 
ventured  to  extend  his  authority  over  portions  of  the 
territory  of  the  Northern  Kingdom ;  and  naturally  Egypt 
sought  to  regain  her  dominion  in  Syria.  The  Egyptian 
king,  Necho,  marched  into  Palestine  on  his  way  to  the 
Euphrates  ;  Josiah,  perhaps  influenced  by  the  hostility  of 
the  prophetic  party  towards  Egypt,  met  him  in  battle, 
and  was  defeated  and  slain. 


CHAPTER   XIV 


THE   LAST   DAYS   OF  JUDAH 


C.  B.C. 

C.    B.C 

Jehoahaz 

.     607 

Fall  of  Nineveh  .         .     607 

Jehoiakim 

.     607 

Battle  of  Carchemish  .     605 
Nebuchadnezzar,     king 
of  Babylon         .         .     604 

Jehoiachin     . 

.     597 

Zedekiah 

•     597 

Fall  of  Jerusalem 

•     587 

II.  Kings  xxiii.  31-xxv.  30,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel 
i.-xxiv.,  Lamentations. 

The  Egyptian  Suzerainty. — On  the  death  of  Josiah, 
his  son  Jehoahaz  was  made  king  ;  but  the  Egyptians  were 
now,  for  the  time,  masters  of  Syria,  and  Jehoahaz,  for 
some  unspecified  reason,  failed  to  obtain  the  favour  of 
Necho,  who  deposed  him,  and  carried  him  a  prisoner  to 
Egypt,  where  he  died. 

Necho  placed  his  elder  brother  Eliakim  on  the  throne 
of  Judah,  and  changed  his  name  to  Jehoiakim.  The 
new  king  paid  a  heavy  tribute  to  his  suzerain.  We  are 
told  concerning  Jehoahaz  and  Jehoiakim  that  they  "did 
evil  in  the  sight  of  Yahweh,"  or,  in  other  words,  the 
religious  policy  of  Josiah  was  reversed,  and  the  worship 
of  Yahweh  was  again  adulterated  by  the  corruptions  of 
heathen  superstition. 

138 


THE    LAST    DAYS    OF    JUD  AH     139 

Probably  Josiah  had  not  carried  the  people  with  him ; 
his  reforms  had  been  effected  by  a  high-handed  exercise 
of  royal  authority,  and  his  death  was  followed  by  a  re- 
action. Moreover,  popular  theology  would  see  in  his 
defeat  and  death  a  Divine  condemnation  of  his  policy ; 
and  this  sentiment  would  be  reinforced  by  the  influence 
of  the  Egyptian  suzerain ;  Necho's  nominee,  Jehoiakim, 
would  be  appointed  on  condition  that  he  suppressed 
the  prophetic,  anti- Egyptian  party — a  condition  which 
he  loyally  fulfilled  to  the  best  of  his  ability. 

Jeremiali. — The  main  obstacle  to  the  carrying  out 
of  this  policy  was  the  prophet  Jeremiah.  The  other 
prophets  of  this  period,  Nahum,  Zephaniah,  and  Habak- 
kuk,  are  mere  names  to  us;  but  we  know  more  of 
Jeremiah  than  of  most  of  the  characters  of  the  Old 
Testament  history.  He  received  his  call  to  the  prophetic 
ministry  when  a  mere  youth,  in  the  thirteenth  year  of 
the  reign  of  Josiah,^  c.  B.C.  625.  About  that  time  the 
Scythians  were  sweeping  over  Western  Asia,  and  the 
young  prophet's  soul  was  stirred  to  deliver  a  message 
of  judgment  upon  his  people. 

A  few  years  later  came  the  reforms  of  Josiah,  which 
may  have  been  partly  due  to  the  preaching  of  Zepha- 
niah and  Jeremiah,  but  the  reference  of  the  question 
of  the  value  of  Deuteronomy  to  the  prophetess  Huldah 
shows  that  neither  of  these  prophets  was  regarded 
as  the  chief  authority  in  such  matters.  Similarly  the 
1  Jer.  i.  2,  6. 


T40     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

policy  which  led  to  Josiah's  ill-fated  contest  with  Necho 
was  probably  more  the  result  of  other  influences  than 
of  any  encouragement  the  king  may  have  received 
from  Jeremiah.  The  religious  reaction  which  ensued 
threw  the  prophet  permanently  into  opposition  to  the 
government.  Thus  for  the  next  twenty  years  Jeremiah 
waged  an  incessant  war  against  the  religious,  social,  and 
moral  corruption  of  Judah  in  opposition  alike  to  king, 
princes,  priests,  prophets,  and  people.  The  old  prophetic 
party  seems  to  have  been  disabled  from  any  open  action. 
Jeremiah  had  indeed  influential  friends  who  were  able  to 
afford  him  a  measure  of  personal  protection ;  as  far  as 
public  support  was  concerned,  he  could  always  rely  on 
his  disciple  Baruch;  otherwise  he  stood  almost  alone. 
He  was  hopelessly  at  variance  with  national  feeling,  for 
his  sense  of  the  religious  and  political  needs  of  Judah 
made  him  an  avowed  enemy  of  Egypt  and  partisan  of 
Babylon  at  a  time  when  Jewish  patriots  looked  to 
Pharaoh  as  their  chief  ally  in  a  last  desperate  struggle  for 
independence  against  Nebuchadnezzar.  Jeremiah  saw 
no  prospect  of  salvation  for  Judah,  and  his  preaching 
became  more  and  more  gloomy  and  threatening,  a 
message  of  imminent  doom.  He  was  naturally  con- 
fronted with  violent  opposition  ;  he  was  beaten  and  im- 
prisoned, and  his  life  was  frequently  endangered.  The 
only  wonder  is  that  he  survived  so  long ;  doubtless  he 
owed  much  to  his  impressive  personality  and  to  the  awe 
with  which  religious  enthusiasm  is  regarded  in  the  East. 


THE    LAST    DAYS    OF    JUDAH     141 

Amid  his  heavy  trials  he  was  denied  the  comfort  of 
domestic  affection  ;  he  was  divinely  forbidden  to  marry.  ^ 

In  spite  of  everything  he  persevered  with  heroic  con- 
stancy, the  outcome  of  a  life-long  spiritual  agony,  in 
which  his  faith  was  maintained  by  frequent  wrestling  with 
God.  His  career  is  summed  up  thus  :  ^  "  Behold,  I  have 
made  thee  this  day  a  defenced  city,  and  an  iron  pillar, 
and  brazen  walls,  against  the  whole  land,  against  the 
king  of  Judah,  against  the  princes  thereof,  against  the 
priests  thereof,  and  against  the  people  of  the  land.  And 
they  shall  fight  against  thee ;  but  they  shall  not  prevail 
against  thee.  For  I  am  with  thee,  saith  Yahweh,  to 
deliver  thee." 

The  Babylonian  Suzerainty. — We  shall  have  occasion 
to  refer  to  the  activity  of  Jeremiah,  in  tracing  the  subse- 
quent history,  but  for  the  present  we  must  recur  to  the 
course  of  international  politics  after  the  death  of  Josiah. 
For  a  while  the  Egyptians  remained  masters  of  Syria ; 
but  about  this  time  the  allied  Medes  and  Babylonians 
took  Nineveh  ;  the  Assyrian  empire  utterly  collapsed  and 
finally  disappeared,  and  its  place  as  the  dominant  power 
of  Western  Asia  was  taken  by  Babylon.  Pharaoh-Necho 
ventured  to  challenge  this  new  supremacy,  but  he  suffered 
a  severe  defeat  at  Carchemish  on  the  Euphrates  at  the 
hands  of  the  Babylonian  crown-prince,  Nebuchadnezzar, 
and  was  compelled  to  resign  his  Asiatic  conquests  and 
retire  into  Egypt.  Thus  the  various  states  of  Syria,  in- 
^  Jer.  xvi.  2.  ^  Jer.  i.  18,  19. 


142     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

eluding  Judah,  became  dependent  upon  Babylon,  though, 
as  of  old,  Egypt  still  cherished  hopes  of  regaining  her 
ancient  possessions,  and  was  always  ready  to  encourage 
disaffection  amongst  the  tributaries  of  her  successful  rival. 

Jehoiakim. — Nebuchadnezzar  was  recalled  from  the 
pursuit  of  Pharaoh-Necho  by  the  death  of  his  father, 
and  the  necessity  of  establishing  his  own  authority  at 
Babylon ;  Syria  was  left  to  itself  for  a  time,  but  after  a 
while  Nebuchadnezzar  appeared  upon  the  scene,  and 
Jehoiakim  submitted  to  him.  It  argues  some  adroitness 
on  the  part  of  the  Jewish  king  that,  having  been  the 
nominee  of  Pharaoh,  he  succeeded  in  getting  his  title 
confirmed  by  Nebuchadnezzar.  Indeed,  all  our  infor- 
mation indicates  that  Jehoiakim  possessed  considerable 
ability  and  force  of  character. 

The  change  of  suzerains  did  not  seriously  affect  the 
religious  policy  of  the  Jewish  government,  and  indeed, 
in  spite  of  formal  submission  to  Babylon,  the  sympathies 
of  Jehoiakim  and  his  ministers  were  wholly  with  Egypt. 
Nebuchadnezzar's  omission  to  place  the  anti- Egyptian, 
prophetic  party  in  power  by  replacing  Jehoiakim  by  a 
nominee  of  his  own,  devoted  to  the  interests  of 
Babylon,  was  a  serious  oversight,  which  caused  him 
much  trouble,  and  rendered  the  fall  of  the  Jewish 
kingdom  inevitable.  Apparently  the  Babylonian  king 
had  not  sufficient  leisure  to  make  himself  fully  acquainted 
with  the  domestic  politics  of  a  petty  Syrian  State. 

Probably  Jehoiakim,  who  had  managed  to  derive  ad- 


THE     LAST    DAYS    OF    JUDAH     143 

vantages  from  both  Egypt  and  Babylon,  attempted  some 
sort  of  compromise  between  the  prophetic  and  anti- 
prophetic  parties.  At  any  rate  Josiah's  reformation  still 
exercised  a  certain  influence  in  an  unsatisfactory  fashion. 
That  reformation  had  enhanced  the  prestige  of  the 
Temple  by  making  it  the  only  legitimate  place  of 
worship ;  though  Jehoiakim  did  not  maintain  its  exclu- 
sive rights,  he  would  naturally  be  willing  to  promote 
the  supreme  importance  of  a  sanctuary  which  was  his 
royal  chapel,  under  his  personal  control.  Hitherto  the 
Temple  had  enjoyed  special  Divine  protection;  when 
all  the  other  great  Israelite  sanctuaries  had  suffered 
from  the  devastating  invasions  of  the  Assyrians,  it 
alone  had  escaped.  The  people  had  come  to  regard  it 
as  the  national  palladium;  Yahweh  must  protect  His 
chosen  dwelUng-place,  and  therefore  Jerusalem  w^as  safe. 
Against  this  doctrine  Jeremiah  protested;  at  the  be- 
ginning of  Jehoiakim's  reign  he  betook  himself  to  the 
Temple  courts,  probably  on  a  feast-day,  and  announced 
that  if  Judah  did  not  repent,  the  Temple  would  be  laid 
in  ruins  like  the  ancient  sanctuary  of  Shiloh.  He  was 
met  by  an  outburst  of  popular  indignation,  and  only 
owed  his  hfe  to  the  protection  of  powerful  friends. 
Another  prophet,  Urijah  ben  Shemaiah,  who  supported 
Jeremiah,  was  less  fortunate ;  he  fled  to  Egypt,  but  the 
Egyptian  authorities  gave  him  up  to  Jehoiakim,  and  he 
was  put  to  death.  1 

1  Jer.  vii.  1-15,  xxvi. 


144     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Some  three  or  four  years  later  ^  Jeremiah  made 
another  protest :  from  some  cause  or  other  he  could  not 
himself  appear  in  the  Temple,  but  he  dictated  to  Baruch 
the  various  prophecies  he  had  uttered  against  Israel, 
Judah,  and  other  nations ;  and  by  his  directions  Baruch 
read  the  contents  of  this  document  or  "roll"  to  the 
people  in  the  Temple.  The  matter  came  to  the  ears  of 
Jehoiakim's  ministers ;  they  sent  for  Baruch,  made  him 
read  them  the  roll,  and  were  much  disturbed  by  the 
threats  it  contained.  Having  bidden  Jeremiah  and 
Baruch  hide  themselves,  they  reported  the  matter  to  the 
king,  perhaps  hoping  that  this  roll  might  affect  him  as 
the  law-book  found  in  the  Temple  had  moved  Josiah. 
Jehoiakim  had  the  roll  read  to  him,  but  he  listened  with 
contemptuous  indifference ;  and  cut  the  roll  in  pieces 
and  burnt  it.  Then  he  ordered  the  arrest  of  Jeremiah 
and  Baruch,  "  but  Yahweh  hid  them." 

The  prophet  occupied  his  enforced  seclusion  by  dic- 
tating to  his  disciple  a  new  edition  of  his  prophecies, 
with  suitable  additions. 

Jeremiah's  complaints  against  Jehoiakim  were  not 
merely  on  the  score  of  religious  practices.  "  Thine  eyes 
and  thine  heart,"  he  declares,  "  are  wholly  given  up  to 
thy  covetousness,  and  the  shedding  of  innocent  blood, 
and  to  oppression  and  violence."  One  particular  form 
of  oppression  is  singled  out  for  special  censure.  The 
right  of  the  corvee^  of  exacting  forced  labour  without 
^  Jer.  xxxvi. 


THE    LAST    DAYS    OF    JUDAH     145 

wages,  has  always  been  exercised  by  Eastern  rulers,  and 
was  freely  used  by  Solomon;  it  appears  that,  in  spite 
of  the  troubles  of  the  times,  Jehoiakim  set  about  build- 
ing himself  a  magnificent  palace,  and  Jeremiah  says 
of  him :  "  Woe  unto  him  that  buildeth  his  house  by 
unrighteousness,  and  his  chambers  by  injustice;  that 
useth  his  neighbour's  service  without  wages,  and  giveth 
him  not  his  hire."  ^ 

Possibly  the  same  grasping  spirit  led  Jehoiakim  to 
grudge  the  payment  of  tribute  to  his  suzerain ;  and  at 
some  time  when  Nebuchadnezzar  was  occupied  else- 
where, and  there  seemed  a  prospect  of  help  from 
Egypt,  the  Jewish  king  rebelled.  Rebellion,  in  its 
initial  stage,  was  simple,  easy,  and  attractive;  it  con- 
sisted in  refraining  from  sending  the  tribute-money  to 
Babylon.  In  this  case,  Jehoiakim's  calculations  were 
correct  up  to  a  certain  point ;  the  Babylonian  king  was 
too  busy  to  attend  to  the  matter  in  person.  The  only 
Chaldean  forces  he  could  spare  to  act  against  Judah 
were  detachments  from  neighbouring  garrisons.  But  he 
also  let  loose  upon  the  rebel  city  such  of  its  neigh- 
bours as  could  be  attracted  by  the  prospect  of  plunder, 
or  the  desire  of  standing  well  with  Babylon — bands 
of  Syrians,  Moabites,  and  Ammonites.  Such  enemies 
could  not  take  Jerusalem ;  but  they  harassed  the  Jews^ 
wore  out  their  strength ;  exhausted  their  resources,  and 
prevented  the  revolt  from  spreading. 
^  Jer.  xxii.  13-17. 


146     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

Before  Nebuchadnezzar  was  able  to  march  against 
Judah  with  a  regular  army,  Jehoiakim  died. 

The  Captivity  of  Jehoiachin,  B.C.  597. — Thus  the 
penalty  of  Jehoiakim's  rebellion  fell  upon  his  son  and 
successor  Jehoiachin,  a  youth  of  eighteen.  Soon  after 
his  accession  a  Babylonian  army  appeared,  and  formed 
the  siege  of  Jerusalem ;  somewhat  later  Nebuchadnezzar 
arrived,  and  took  over  the  command.  Whereupon 
Jehoiachin  surrendered.  The  Babylonian  king  took 
drastic  measures  to  secure  himself  against  another 
revolt.  He  carried  away  captive  to  Babylon  the  king, 
his  chief  officers,  and  the  elite  of  the  population  :  and 
over  the  remnant  he  set  up  as  king  another  son  of 
Josiah,  Jehoiachin's  uncle,  Mattaniah,  whose  name  he 
changed  to  Zedekiah. 

Zedekiah  was  amiable,  but  feeble ;  his  personal  sym- 
pathies were  with  Jeremiah  and  the  prophetic  party, 
and  he  desired  to  keep  faith  with  his  suzerain ;  but  he 
was  overborne  by  his  officials  and  nobles,  and  by  the 
impracticable  nationalism  of  the  people.  Nebuchad- 
nezzar had  not  been  wisely  advised  in  his  selection  of 
captives  to  be  taken  to  Babylon;  by  taking  the  best 
of  the  leading  men,  he  had  removed  the  influential 
members  of  the  prophetic  party,  who  advocated  loyalty. 
At  the  same  time,  he  had  left  behind  some  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Egyptian,  anti-prophetic  party,  which 
was  always  looking  for  an  opportunity  to  rebel. 

So  far  as  the  religious  policy  of  Jehoiakim  was  altered, 


THE    LAST    DAYS    OF   JUDAH     147 

it  was  changed  for  the  worse.  In  these  last  desperate 
days,  fanaticism  ran  riot.  For  the  time  being,  the  purer 
faith  in  Yahweh  represented  by  Jeremiah  was  discredited 
by  the  tragic  end  of  its  champion  Josiah  ;  and  the  re- 
peated calamities  of  the  nation  shook  men's  faith  in 
the  national  God.  Therefore  some  revived  the  ancient 
worship  of  Baal,  some  sought  the  "  Queen  of  Heaven  " 
or  the  Sun  or  other  Babylonian  deities,  and  some  wor- 
shipped forms  of  creeping  things  and  abominable  beasts 
like  the  Egyptians.  The  Temple  itself  was  the  head- 
quarters alike  of  the  worship  of  Yahweh  and  these  other 
cults. ^ 

A  sober  secular  policy  was  hardly  likely  to  issue  from 
this  confused  excitement.  After  a  few  years  a  con- 
spiracy against  Babylon  was  formed  amongst  a  number 
of  Syrian  states — Judah,  Edom,  Moab,  Ammon,  Tyre 
and  Zidon.  Jeremiah's  protests  were  overborne  by  the 
assertions  of  Hananiah  and  other  prophets  that  Yahweh 
would  prosper  the  enterprise.  ^  However,  the  conspiracy 
came  to  nothing  at  the  time.  Probably  the  Babylonian 
government  got  wind  of  the  matter,  and  it  collapsed 
before  the  threat  of  a  Chaldean  invasion.  Zedekiah 
seems  to  have  been  summoned  to  Babylon  to  give  an 
account  of  himself,  and  to  have  escaped  with  a  warning.^ 

Later  on,  however,  Judah  openly  rebelled,  buoyed  up 
by  the  hope  of  support  from  Egypt.     Nebuchadnezzar 

^  Ezekiel  viii.  "  Jer.  xxvii.  f. 

3  Jer.  li.  59. 


148     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

marched  into  Palestine,  and,  through  the  influence  of 
fear,  the  prophetic  party  obtained  the  upper  hand  for  the 
moment ;  a  new  reformation  was  set  on  foot,  and,  as  an 
earnest  of  repentance,  slaves  of  Hebrew  birth  who  had 
served  for  six  years  were  set  free  in  accordance  with  the 
Deuteronomic  law,^  and  their  freedom  was  guaranteed 
by  a .  solemn  covenant.  At  this  juncture  an  Egyptian 
army  advanced  into  Palestine;  and  Nebuchadnezzar 
raised  the  siege  of  Jerusalem  in  order  that  he  might  deal 
with  these  new  enemies.  Forthwith  the  Egyptian  party 
regained  control ;  the  covenant  was  thrown  to  the  winds ; 
the  unfortunate  slaves  were  dragged  back  to  their  old 
servitude.  Jeremiah,  after  protesting  in  vain  against 
this  iniquity,  attempted  to  leave  the  city,  and  betake 
himself  to  his  native  Anathoth  ;  but  he  was  arrested  at 
the  gate,  beaten,  and  thrown  into  prison  on  a  charge  of 
deserting  to  the  Chaldeans.  The  princes,  who  practically 
constituted  the  government,  were  anxious  to  do  away  with 
him ;  and  at  one  time  left  him  to  starve  or  be  suffocated 
in  the  deep  mud  at  the  bottom  of  a  disused  cistern.  But 
the  king  ventured  to  have  him  pulled  up  and  confined 
in  the  court  of  the  guard. 

Meantime  Nebuchadnezzar  had  driven  the  Egyptians 
out  of  Palestine,  and  the  Chaldeans  returned  and  re- 
formed the  siege  of  Jerusalem.  The  Jews  offered  a 
desperate  resistance,  and  kept  the  besiegers  at  bay  for  a 
year  and  a  half.  Zedekiah  more  than  once  sent  for  the 
^  Deut.  XV.  12-18 ;  Exod.  xxi.  1-6. 


THE    LAST    DAYS    OF    JUDAH     149 

imprisoned  prophet  and  secretly  consulted  him.  Jeremiah 
advised  the  king  to  surrender;  but  Zedekiah  had  not 
courage  to  take  this  decisive  step. 

During  this  period  Jeremiah  bought  certain  land  at 
Anathoth  as  a  token  of  the  ultimate  restoration  of  the 
Jews  to  their  own  country ;  just  as  when  Hannibal 
encamped  near  Rome,  the  land  he  occupied  was  sold  by 
auction  at  its  full  value. 

But  Nebuchadnezzar  was  more  fortunate  than  Han- 
nibal ;  the  supply  of  food  in  the  city  became  exhausted, 
and  a  breach  was  made  in  the  walls ;  Zedekiah,  with  a 
small  following,  broke  through  the  lines  of  the  besiegers, 
but  was  pursued  and  taken.  Later  on  he  was  brought 
before  Nebuchadnezzar  at  Riblah,  his  two  sons  were 
slain  in  his  presence,  his  eyes  were  put  out,  and  he  was 
carried  in  chains  to  Babylon. 

We  gather  from  Lamentations  that  Jerusalem  suffered 
all  the  horrors  attendant  on  the  sack  of  a  captured  city. 
Then  about  a  month  later,  Nebuzaradan,  the  captain  of 
Nebuchadnezzar's  bodyguard,  was  sent  to  superintend 
the  systematic  destruction  of  the  city ;  the  Temple  and 
all  the  more  important  buildings  were  destroyed,  the 
walls  were  broken  down ;  what  was  left  of  the  Temple 
treasures,  and  most  of  the  remaining  population,  were 
removed  to  Babylon :  "  So  Judah  was  carried  away 
captive  out  of  his  land."  ^  Thus  ended  the  surviving 
Israelite  monarchy. 

^  II.  Kings  XXV,  21, 


CHAPTER   XV 
THE    CAPTIVITY 

C.  B.C. 

Captivity  of  Jehoiachin 597 

Ezekiel 593-571 

Fall  of  Jerusalem  586 

Evil-Merodach,  king  of  Babylon 561 

Nergal-Sharezer  king  of  Babylon 559 

Cyrus,  king  of  Persia 558 

Nabonidus,  king  of  Babylon 555 

Cyrus  conquers  the  Modes 550 

Cyrus  conquers  Lydia  546 

Publication  of  Isaiah  xl.-lv. 
"Second  Isaiah,"  about  this  time. 

Cyrus  takes  Babylon 539 

Return  of  the  Jews 538 

Jeremiah  xl.-xliv.,  Ezekiel,  Isaiah  xl.-lv. 
II.  Kings  xxv.  23-28. 

Extra-Biblical  Authorities. 

Inscriptions  of  the  last  Babylonian  kings,  and  of  Cyrus ; 

Herodotus. 

The  Captivity. — The  Captivity  really  began  more  than 
ten  years  before  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  with  the  deporta- 
tion of  Jehoiachin  and  his  companions.  These  were 
more  numerous  and  of  a  higher  type  than  the  exiles  who 
followed  them  later  on.  Jeremiah  ^  compares  the  captives 
who  were  carried  away  with  Jehoiachin  to  "  good  figs, 
very  good,"  while  those  left  behind  at  Jerusalem  were 

^  Jar.  xxiv. 
150 


THE    CAPTIVITY  151 

*'bad,  very  bad,  that  cannot  be  eaten  they  are  so  bad." 
Thus  we  may  say  that  even  before  the  fall  of  the  Jewish 
monarchy,  the  centre  of  gravity  of  Judaism  was  trans- 
ferred to  Babylonia. 

The  exiles  were  for  'the  most  part  settled  together  in 
small  communities  enjoying  considerable  rights  of  local 
self-government,  and  were  provided  with  land  and  other 
facilities  for  earning  a  livelihood.  Thus  Jeremiah  could 
exhort  them,  "  Build  ye  houses,  and  dwell  in  them  ;  and 
plant  gardens  and  eat  the  fruit  of  them  ;  marry  and  bring 
up  families ;  and  let  your  sons  and  daughters  marry."  ^ 

Naturally,  while  the  kingdom  of  Judah  still  existed 
these  exiles  cherished  hopes  of  a  speedy  return.  Recent 
years  had  seen  a  series  of  startling  changes  in  the  inter- 
national system  of  the  Israelite  world,  notably  the  sudden 
collapse  of  the  old-established  power  of  Assyria,  and  the 
temporary  revival  of  the  Egyptian  dominion  in  Western 
Asia.  Another  turn  of  the  wheel,  and  Babylon  might 
fall,  and  a  new  conqueror  might  let  the  exiles  go  home. 
In  Babylonia,  as  in  Judah,  popular  preachers  encouraged 
these  hopes ;  and  the  exiles  declared  "  Yahweh  hath 
raised  us  up  prophets  in  Babylon."  ^  But  the  expecta- 
tion of  deliverance  was  premature ;  Ezekiel,  by  word  of 
mouth,  and  Jeremiah,  by  letter,  testified  against  these 
men,  who  prophesied  smooth  things.  The  hour  of 
Israel's  redemption  had  not  yet  come,  for  "seventy 
years,"  two  generations,  the  Exile  would  continue. 
^  Jer.  xxix.  5,  6.  2  jg^.^  ^xix.  15. 


152     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

The  fall  of  Jerusalem  and  the  final  captivity  crushed 
these  delusive  hopes. 

II  There  was  no  triumphant  restoration  of  Jehoiachin 
and  his  companions ;  but  instead  there  appeared  upon 
the  scene  another  miserable  train  of  Jewish  captives, 
with  gruesome  tales  of  the  sack  of  the  city,  and  the 
desecration  and  destruction  of  the  Temple.  The 
prophets  who  promised  an  immediate  deliverance  were 
discredited,  while  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel  were  vindicated. 

After  a  time  the  new-comers  also  settled  down  to  a 
fairly  tolerable  mode  of  existence.  Years  passed  on  and 
brought  no  striking  changes  ;  the  new  conditions  gradu- 
ally became  familiar ;  regrets  for  the  past  and  hopes  for 
the  future  were  alike  tempered  by  the  necessary  routine 
of  everyday  life.  In  time  most  of  the  original  exiles 
died,  and  a  generation  grew  up  that  had  known  no  other 
home  but  Babylonia. 

Under  similar  circumstances  the  Ten  Tribes  had  lost 
their  nationality  and  their  religion,  and  become  merged 
in  the  surrounding  heathenism. 

Ezekiel. — But  the  hundred  and  thirty  years  since  the 
fall  of  Samaria  had  made  revealed  religion  a  power  in 
Judah ;  the  work  of  Isaiah  and  the  prophets  of  the  eighth 
century  and  their  successors  had  borne  much  fruit. 
Although  a  majority  might  be  indifferent  or  hostile,  there 
was  an  elect  remnant  of  devout  souls  who  held  with 
intelligent  conviction  to  the  teaching  of  the  inspired 
prophets.     Moreover,  believers  could  now  sustain  their 


THE    CAPTIVITY  153 

faith  by  the  study  of  sacred  writings ;  in  the  records  of 
the  preaching  of  Isaiah  and  his  contemporaries,  in  the 
collections  of  early  laws  and  of  narratives  concerning  the 
history,  and  in  the  first  edition  of  Deuteronomy,  they 
had  the  beginnings  of  a  Bible.  Such  documents  gave 
a  permanent  concrete  form  to  religious  faith  and  practice, 
they  afforded  some  protection  against  corruption,  and 
could  even  survive  the  ruin  of  the  state  and  the  suppres- 
sion of  public  worship.  Thus  when  the  Jews  went  into 
exile,  they  carried  with  them  an  embodiment  of  their 
ancient  religion,  of  far  more  value  than  altars  or  golden 
candlesticks,  tabernacle  or  ark. 

These  influences  from  the  past  were  reinforced  by  the 
living  witness  of  great  prophets,  whose  interpretation  of 
history  enabled  the  faith  in  Yahweh  to  survive  the  political 
ruin  of  Judah.  Usually  an  ancient  tribal  deity  was  organi- 
cally connected  with  his  people  and  their  land;  if  the 
people  were  but  torn  away  from  their  ancient  home  and 
scattered  in  strange  lands,  the  deity  might  disappear,  or 
at  any  rate  the  people  might  lose  all  faith  in  him,  or 
merely  regard  him  as  an  inferior  being  altogether  sub- 
ordinate to  the  great  gods  of  conquering  nations.  But 
the  inspired  prophets  had  made  the  coming  ruin  of  Israel 
and  Judah  an  article  of  faith  on  the  part  of  true  believers 
in  Yahweh ;  He  was  not  a  petty  deity  struggling  with  and 
for  His  people  against  the  overwhelming  power  of  the 
gods  of  Assyria  and  Babylon  ;  He  Himself  controlled 
these  mighty  empires,  and  used  them  as  the  instruments 


154     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

by  which  He  disciplined  Israel.  Therefore  when  the 
final  catastrophe  came  it  was  a  proof  of  His  might  and 
of  the  genuine  inspiration  of  Jeremiah  and  Ezekiel.  It 
set  the  seal  of  Divine  approval  upon  their  messages. 
Thus,  when  they  announced  a  coming  restoration,  the 
exiles  were  encouraged  to  hold  together  and  wait  for  the 
fulfilment  of  the  promise. 

It  was  largely  through  the  devoted  ministry  of  Ezekiel 
that  a  community  of  true  believers — a  Jewish  Church — 
continued  to  exist  in  Babylonia.  He  was  a  man  of  wide 
and  varied  experience,  a  member  of  the  Temple  priest- 
hood ;  he  had  grown  up  to  early  manhood  at  Jerusalem 
under  the  influence  of  Jeremiah ;  he  had  been  carried 
away  to  Babylonia  with  Jehoiachin,  and  there  probably 
had  married.  There,  too,  he  was  called  to  be  prophet, 
and  charged  with  the  same  message  of  doom  that  was 
committed  to  Jeremiah.  Later  on,  his  own  personal  grief 
was  mingled  with  his  sorrow  for  his  nation.  His  wife 
died  during  the  last  days  of  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  and 
he  was  forbidden  to  mourn  for  her ;  the  impending  catas- 
trophe was  too  overwhelming  to  allow  men  to  dwell  on 
private  bereavement. 

When  this  crisis  was  past,  Ezekiel  set  himself  anew  to 
the  task  of  building  up  an  elect  and  purified  society  fit  to 
take  part  in  the  restoration  of  Israel  to  its  own  land  and 
its  ancient  privileges.  He  was  not  merely  the  prophet 
with  a  message  for  the  nation ;  he  was  also  an  assiduous 
preacher  and  pastor,  winning  individuals  as  citizens  of 


THE    CAPTIVITY  155 

the  near  kingdom  of  God,  and  continually  confirming 
their  faith  and  loyalty.  He  also  was  an  ecclesiastic  and 
statesman;  and  in  the  last  section  of  his  book,^  after 
the  manner  of  Eastern  seers,  he  mingles  mystical  visions 
of  an  ideal  future  with  practical  suggestions  as  to  the 
plans  for  rebuilding  of  the  Temple,  and  the  organisation 
of  its  ritual  and  its  priesthood. 

The  Eemnant  in  Judah. — We  must  not,  however, 
forget  that  the  Jews  in  Babylonia  were  not  the  whole  of 
Israel. 2  We  can  defer  any  special  reference  to  the  hybrid 
population  in  Samaria;  they  do  not  seem  to  have  exer- 
cised any  great  influence  on  affairs  at  the  beginning  of 
the  Exile.  But  a  word  must  be  said  about  the  remnant, 
mostly  of  the  poorer  classes,  left  behind  in  Judah.  Their 
fortunes  were  closely  bound  up  with  those  of  Jeremiah. 

After  the  sack  of  the  city  the  prophet  was  taken  with 
other  captives  to  Ramah,^  and  was  there  released  and 
allowed  to  go  where  he  pleased.  Meanwhile  Chaldean 
authorities  had  organised  Judah  as  a  province  under  a 
Jewish  governor,  Gedaliah,  with  his  capital  at  Mizpah ; 
and  Jeremiah  joined  him.     But  as  soon  as  the  Chaldean 

^  Ezekiel  xl.-xlviii. 

2  From  this  point  the  Old  Testament  practically  ignores  the  Ten 
Tribes,  and  speaks  of  Judah  and  Benjamin,  and  such  remnants  of  other 
tribes  as  adhered  to  them,  as  "  Israel."  It  is  convenient  to  adopt 
this  nomenclature,  as  it  reminds  us  that  for  religious  purposes  the 
ancient  Israel  was  entirely  represented  by  Judah.  The  people, 
however,  are  usually  spoken  of  as  "Jews." 

3  Jer.  xl.  I.  According  to  another  account,  in  xxxix.  14,  he  was 
taken  from  his  prison  at  Jerusalem  and  at  once  released. 


156     OLD   TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

army  was  gone,  a  certain  Ishmael,  of  the  Jewish  royal 
family,  treacherously  assassinated  Gedaliah  with  his  Jewish 
followers,  and  the  Chaldean  officials  at  Mizpah  and  their 
escort.  Ishmael  then  fled  to  the  king  of  Ammon  with  a 
train  of  captives.  He  was  pursued,  however,  by  a  Jewish 
general,  Johanan,  and  compelled  to  surrender  his  prisoners. 

Johanan  and  his  officers  feared  to  remain  in  Palestine  ; 
the  wrath  of  Nebuchadnezzar  was  not  likely  to  discrimi- 
nate between  innocent  and  guilty.  Accordingly  the 
Jewish  remnant,  in  spite  of  the  protests  of  Jeremiah, 
fled  into  Egypt.  Our  last  record  of  the  prophet  describes 
a  characteristic  scene.  Many  of  the  Jews,  more  especi- 
ally the  women,  attributed  the  ruin  of  Judah  to  the 
abandonment  of  the  worship  of  the  Queen  of  Heaven, 
the  Babylonian  goddess  Ishtar.  On  their  arrival  in 
Egypt,  they  resumed  this  cult  and  that  of  other  heathen 
gods.  Jeremiah  denounced  them  in  a  great  public 
assembly,  and  was  met  with  open  defiance.  Thus  he 
ends^  as  he  began,  a  solitary  figure,  bearing  his  testi- 
mony in  the  face  of  a  hostile  people,  and  uttering  fierce 
threats  of  coming  doom. 

How  far  these  were  fulfilled  we  cannot  tell ;  these 
Jewish  immigrants  may  have  perished  as  he  foretold. 
Later  on  we  find  Jewish  communities  in  Egypt ;  ^  but  it 

^  As  far  as  the  Old  Testament  is  concerned.  According  to  one 
legend,  the  scene  we  have  been  describing  ended  in  the  stoning  to 
death  of  Jeremiah ;  according  to  others,  he  died  in  Babylonia  or 
Palestine. 

^  e^.  at  Elephantine ;  see  the  papyri  recently  discovered  there. 


THE    CAPTIVITY  157 

is  not  certain  that  they  had  any  connection  with  Johanan's 
followers. 

As  for  Judah,  probably  in  spite  of  this  flight  to  Egypt, 
and  the  repeated  deportations  to  Babylonia,  a  remnant 
gathered  about  their  old  homes;  and  throughout  the  Exile, 
a  feeble  and  impoverished  community  maintained  itself 
about  Jerusalem  and  in  the  northern  highlands  of  Judah. 

The  Second  Isaiah. — For  a  time  the  Jews,  whether  in 
Babylonia  or  elsewhere,  acquiesced  in  the  new  order; 
there  was  no  immediate  prospect  of  change.  Some  fell 
away  into  heathenism,  and  were  lost  to  Israel.  Those 
who  remained  loyal  were  the  more  earnest  and  spiritually 
minded,  so  that  the  religion  of  Yahweh  was  increasingly 
identified  with  Deuteronomy  and  with  the  teaching  of 
Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  and  Ezekiel.  Their  doctrine  of  the 
minor  importance  of  ritual  was  illustrated  and  enforced 
by  the  fact  that  the  exiles  maintained  an  intense  religious 
life  without  Temple  or  sacrifice.  The  devout  energy  which 
could  not  find  an  outlet  in  the  affairs  of  State  or  Temple 
was  largely  devoted  to  literature.  The  records  of  ancient 
folklore  and  tradition;  of  history,  law,  custom,  and 
ritual ;  and  of  prophetic  teaching,  were  carefully  studied, 
copied  and  re-copied,  edited  and  supplemented.  With 
the  hope  of  a  restoration  ever  before  their  eyes,  men  were 
anxious  to  preserve  the  knowledge  of  the  old  Israel  so 
that  the  new  Israel  might  be  constituted  according  to 
time-honoured  use  and  wont.  Much  that  had  hitherto 
been  matter  of  oral  tradition  and  current  habit  would 


158     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

now  be  committed  to  writing,  e.g.  the  arrangements  and 
rites  of  the  Temple. 

But  the  Exile  also  had  an  original  literature  of  its 
own,  some  of  which  has  survived.  For  the  purposes  of 
the  general  history,  the  most  important  document  is 
Isaiah  xl.-lv.,  often  spoken  of  as  the  "Second  Isaiah."  ^ 
This  work  expresses  the  hopes  of  faithful  Jews  towards 
the  close  of  the  Exile.  To  understand  these  we  must 
revert  for  a  moment  to  the  international  situation 
created  by  the  fall  of  Assyria.^  That  event  was  the 
work  of  a  confederacy,  and  no  one  of  the  confederates 
succeeded  to  the  unquestioned  supremacy  over  Western 
Asia  enjoyed  for  long  periods  by  Assyria.  For  many  years 
the  authority  of  Babylon  was  sustained  by  the  personal 
ability  of  Nebuchadnezzar  ;  but  to  the  east  his  allies 
the  Medes  formed  a  powerful  state,  and  the  strength  of 
Egypt  was  still  unbroken.  In  Asia  Minor  an  important 
kingdom  of  Lydia  had  arisen  under  Croesus.  On  the 
death  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  Babylon  declined  rapidly ;  but 
its  overthrow  was  not  due  to  Egypt,  Media,  or  Lydia. 

There  arose  at  this  time  one  of  those  great  person- 
ahties  who  change  the  course  of  history — Cyrus,  at 
first  a  petty  king  of  Anzan  and   Persia.^      From  this 

1  Cf.  the  volume  in  this  series  on  the  "Books  of  the  Old 
Testament." 

2  Cf.  p.  141. 

3  The  early  history  of  Cyrus  is  matter  of  great  controversy  ; 
possibly  Persia  was  not  part  of  his  original  dominions,  but  one  of 
his  acquisitions. 


THE    CAPTIVITY  159 

subordinate  position,  he  pursued  his  victorious  career 
till  he  became  master  of  Western  Asia.  His  success 
was  not  wholly  due  to  force.  He  had  a  gift  of  winning 
affection  and  rousing  enthusiasm ;  his  character  and  his 
policy  appealed  to  nationalities  and  classes  oppressed 
by  the  monarchs  with  whom  he  contended,  so  that  men 
hailed  him  as  a  deliverer.  Thus  in  quick  succession  he 
added  Media  and  Lydia  to  his  dominions. 

Like  other  subject  peoples,  the  Jews  watched  with 
kindling  hopes  the  career  of  this  great  conqueror.  As 
empire  after  empire  fell  before  him,  men  felt  that  surely 
this  was  a  day  of  Yahweh.  What,  then,  would  the  God 
of  Israel  do  for  His  people  ?  As  of  old,  Yahweh  made 
known  His  purpose  by  a  prophet,  whose  name  has  been 
forgotten,  but  whose  teaching  is  recorded  in  Isaiah  xl.- 
Iv.  This  unknown  seer  hailed  Cyrus  as  the  Shepherd 
of  Yahweh,  the  divinely  appointed  king,  the  Anointed  ^ 
of  Yahweh,  by  Whose  grace  he  ruled  and  conquered. 
He  would  soon  add  the  Chaldean  empire  to  his 
conquests ;  and  then  he  would  send  the  Jews  back  to 
Palestine,  to  rebuild  Jerusalem  and  the  Temple ;  a  new 
era  of  peace  and  righteousness  and  prosperity  would 
begin  for  Israel. 

^  Mdshiak,  our  *'  Messiah  "  ;  Isa.  xliv.  28,  xlv.  I. 


CHAPTER   XVI 
THE    RESTORATION! 

C.    B.C. 

Cyrus  takes  Babylon 539 

Return  of  the  Jews 538 

Cambyses,  king  of  Persia 529 

Persian  Conquest  of  Egypt 525 

Darius  I.  (Hystaspes) S2X 

Haggai  and  Zechariah 

The  Rebuilding  of  the  Temple      ....      516-520 

Ezra  i.-vi.,  Haggai  and  Zechariah 

Extra-Biblical  Authorities. 
Josephus,  Herodotus 

The  Eetum. — At  last  Cyrus  turned  his  victorious 
arms  against  the  Chaldeans ;  he  defeated  the  forces 
which  opposed  him  in  the  open  field ;  Babylon  surren- 
dered without  resistance,  and  thus  the  last  great  empire 
of  Western  Asia  became  part  of  his  dominions,  and 
henceforth  the  Persian  monarchs  included  amongst 
their  other  titles  that  of  "  King  of  Babylon."  It  was 
the  policy  of  Cyrus  to  extend  a  sympathetic  toleration  to 
the  religions  of  subject  peoples,  and  in  pursuance  of 
that  policy  a  large  number  of  the  Jewish  exiles  were 
allowed  to  return  to  Judah  under  the  leadership  of  the 

^  See  Appendix  I. 
160 


THE    RESTORATION  i6i 

Davidic  prince,  Zerubbabel,^  a  grandson  of  Jehoiachin, 
and  the  priest  Joshua.  They  were  to  settle  in  Judah, 
and  to  rebuild  Jerusalem  and  the  Temple,  and  they 
carried  with  them  the  sacred  vessels  which  Nebuchad- 
nezzar had  taken  away. 

The  Samaritans. — When  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua 
arrived  in  Judah,  they  found  that  they  had  a  difficult 
task  before  them.  They  may  have  met  with  some 
measure  of  welcome  and  assistance  from  the  feeble 
remnant  of  Jews  which  still  maintained  a  precarious 
existence  in  the  highlands  of  Judah.  But  the  neigh- 
bouring tribes  had  looked  upon  themselves  as  the  heirs 
to  the  derelict  inheritance  of  Israel ;  if  Jerusalem  again 
became  a  powerful  and  prosperous  city  and  a  strong 
fortress,  it  might  prove  to  be  the  nucleus  of  a  new  Jewish 
state,  that  would  successfully  assert  its  claims  to  the 
ancient  dominion  of  Israel.  Such  claims  would  be 
most  inconvenient :  the  Edomites  had  occupied  the 
south  of  Judah ;  eastern  Palestine  was  in  the  hands  of 
Ammonites,  Moabites,  and  Arabians  ;  while  the  territory 
of  the  old  tribes  of  Ephraim  and  Manasseh  was  occupied 
by  the  hybrid  population  who  came  to  be  called  Samari- 
tans.   These  last  presented  a  special  difficulty ;  they  were 

1  In  Ezra  i.  8,  ii,  v.  14,  16,  we  read  of  a  Sheshbazzar  who  took 
a  leading  part  in  the  Return.  He  has  sometimes  been  identified 
with  Zerubbabel,  and  sometimes  supposed  to  have  been  a  Persian 
official  or  a  Jewish  prince  associated  with  Zerubbabel  in  this 
mission.  In  any  case  the  secular  headship  of  the  restored  com- 
munity was  soon  entrusted  to  Zerubbabel. 

L 


i62     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

partly  of  Israelite  blood,  and  had  adopted  the  worship  of 
Yahweh.  If  any  prestige  or  privilege  was  to  be  gained  by 
being  the  representatives  of  ancient  Israel,  the  Samaritans 
felt  that  it  ought  to  belong  to  them,  or  at  any  rate  that 
they  should  obtain  the  lion's  share.  Probably  the  Jewish 
remnant  left  in  the  land  had  become  dependent  on  these 
Northern  kinsfolk.  On  the  other  hand,  the  exiles  who 
had  returned  from  Babylon  were  determined  to  reserve.the 
religious  and  secular  rights  of  Israel  exclusively  to  them- 
selves and  their  fellow  Jews.  Quite  apart  from  selfish 
motives,  there  were  very  valid  reasons  for  such  a  policy. 
At  this  time  the  Samaritans  worshipped  Yahweh  after 
the  corrupt  fashion  of  the  unreformed  religion  of  ancient 
times ;  they  still  tolerated  the  abuses  denounced  by  Amos, 
Hosea,  and  Isaiah.  Their  service  to  the  God  of  Israel 
was  tainted  by  heathen  superstitions,  and  combined  with 
the  worship  of  foreign  gods  ;  it  fell  far  short  of  the 
ethical  and  spiritual  standard  reached  by  the  Babylonian 
Jews,  who  had  remained  loyal  to  the  faith  of  their 
fathers. 

It  was  clear  that  the  new-comers  would  not  be  long 
in  Judah  before  they  had  trouble  with  their  neighbours. 
The  authority  of  the  Persian  government  enabled  the 
Jews  to  make  good  their  footing  at  Jerusalem,  to  provide 
themselves  with  dwellings,  to  arrange  for  the  cultivation 
of  the  land,  to  organise  the  restored  community,  and  to 
provide  for  the  revival  of  the  national  worship  by 
erecting  an  altar  to  Yahweh.     But  after  the  settlement 


THE    RESTORATION  163 

was  established,  it  was  left  very  much  to  itself,  and  had 
to  rely  upon  its  limited  resources  to  hold  its  own.  In 
the  great  empires  of  the  ancient  East,  in  the  absence 
of  railways  and  telegraphs,  the  central  government  often 
had  little  control  over  distant  provinces,  and  was  mostly 
satisfied  if  the  revenues  were  paid  punctually.  Matters 
were  in  the  hands  of  local  governors.  In  this  case  no 
Persian  official  was  specially  responsible  for  the  welfare 
of  the  Jews.^  The  neighbouring  districts  were  for  the 
most  part  under  native  authorities,  hostile  to  the  returned 
exiles,  but  more  or  less  subordinate  to  representatives  of 
the  Persian  king. 

In  the  year  after  the  Return,  the  Jewish  community 
set  about  rebuilding  the  Temple.  In  the  first  instance, 
the  foundation  was  laid  amidst  great  rejoicing ;  but 
here  matters  stopped  for  a  time.  For  at  this  stage  the 
Samaritans  demanded  a  share  in  the  work,  and,  when 
this  was  refused,  they  "weakened  the  hands  of  the 
people  of  Judah  and  harassed  them  in  their  building." 
Thus,  partly  by  direct  interference,  partly  by  represen- 
tations to  the  Persian  authorities,  they  succeeded  in 
"  frustrating  the  purpose  "  -  of  the  Jews  for  nearly  twenty 
years. 

The  Rebuilding  of  the  Temple :  Haggai  and  Zechariah. 
— The  forces  of  nature  were  equally  unkind,  for  the  immi- 

1  At  any  rate  after  Sheshbazzar  was  no  longer  on  the  scene; 
cf.  note  on  page  161. 

2  Ezra  iv.  4,  5. 


i64     OLD    TESTA]\IENT    HISTORY 

grants  had  to  wrestle  with  a  series  of  inclement  seasons. 
Their  depression  was  deepened  by  the  contrast  between 
their  unhappy  conditions  and  the  exalted  anticipations 
with  which  they  had  returned  to  inaugurate  the  King- 
dom of  God.  The  glowing  pictures  of  Isaiah  xl.-lv. 
seemed  to  mock  their  forlorn  estate. 

The  Jews  would  find  new  cause  for  anxiety  in  the 
death  of  their  patron  Cyrus,  and  the  troublous  times 
of  his  successor  Cambyses.  Life  became  a  dull  routine, 
wherein  the  present  necessities  were  barely  provided  for 
and  no  energy  was  left  for  any  great  enterprise. 

From  this  lethargy  the  Jews  were  roused  by  the 
excitement  due  to  the  revolutions  which  followed  the 
death  of  Cambyses,  and  by  the  establishment  of  a  new 
dynasty  under  Darius  I.  (Hystaspes).  As  at  the  time  of 
the  fall  of  Nineveh,  and  again  at  the  fall  of  Babylon, 
a  great  political  crisis  seemed  to  have  arisen.  An  un- 
certain, restless  spirit  was  abroad.  Surely  this  also  was 
a  day  of  Yahweh,  when  He  would  intervene  on  behalf 
of  His  people.  At  Jerusalem  two  prophets  stood  forth, 
Haggai  and  Zechariah,  and  in  response  to  their  appeals 
and  promises,  Zerubbabel  and  Joshua  resumed  the 
building  of  the  Temple.  The  neighbouring  tribes  also 
renewed  their  opposition,  but  an  appeal  to  the  Persian 
government  resulted  in  a  decision  in  favour  of  the  Jews, 
and  the  Temple  was  completed. 

At  this  point  a  veil  falls  upon  the  history  for  about 
sixty  years.     Probably  the  immediate  sequel  of  the  re- 


THE    RESTORATION  165 

building  of  the  Temple  was  as  disappointing  as  the  years 
following  the  Return.  Haggai  and  Zechariah  had  made 
large  promises.  They  had  at  least  suggested  that  Judah 
should  not  be  merely  an  insignificant  province  of  the 
Persian  empire,  but  should  become  a  powerful  inde- 
pendent state  under  Zerubbabel  as  king.  It  is  often 
supposed  that  Zerubbabel  was  led  into  conduct  that 
drew  down  upon  him  the  wrath  of  the  Persians,  and 
brought  about  his  deposition,  or  even  his  death.  At 
any  rate,  the  Jews  were  very  far  from  attaining  to  the 
perfect  loyalty  to  Yahweh  and  the  boundless  prosperity 
which  Haggai  and  Zechariah  had  promised. 


CHAPTER   XVII 

THE  REFORMS  OF  EZRA  AND 
NEHEMIAHi 

B.C. 
Xerxes,  king  of  Persia  (Ahasuerus  2  of  Ezra  iv.   6   and   of 

Esther) .485 

Artaxerxes  1.3  (Longimanus,  king  of  Persia,  Ezra  iv.  7-23, 

vi.   14,  vii.,  Nehemiah  viii.) 465 

Malachi c.     460 

The  Mission  of  Ezra 458 

First  Mission  of  Nehemiah 445-434 

Second  Mission  of  Nehemiah 432 

Darius  II.  (Nothus),  king  of  Persia 423 

Ezra,  Nehemiah  (including  memoirs  written  by 

Ezra  and  Nehemiah  respectively),  Malachi, 

Isaiah  lvi.-lxvi..   Psalms  ii.-xli, 

Extra-Biblical  A utlwrity.  — Jcsephus. 

The  Jews  in  Babylonia. — The  little  community  in 
and  about  Jerusalem  was  only  a  small  portion  of  the 
Jewish  people,  and  not  the  most  important.  There 
were  Jews  scattered  about  the  East  and  in  Eg)^pt, 
but  the  communities  in  Babylonia  were  still  the  most 
numerous,  wealthy,  and  influential.  But  for  their  repeated 
intervention,  both  political  and  ecclesiastical,  the  colony 
in  Judah  would  have  been  merged  in  the  surrounding 
heathenism.  X  number  of  priestly  families  still  re- 
mained in  Chaldea,  and  some  of  them,  following  in  the 

1  Cf.  Appendix  II.  -  Ibid.  »  i^id. 

166 


EZRA   AND   NEHEMIAH    REFORMS     167 

footsteps  of  Ezekiel,  were  occupied  in  editing,  revising, 
and  expanding  the  various  codes  of  ritual  laws.  Ulti- 
mately many  of  these  were  combined  into  a  new  edition 
of  the  early  history  and  the  laws,  which  is  usually  spoken 
of  as  the  Priestly  Code.^ 

Malachi. — Meanwhile  in  Judaea  the  high  hopes  excited 
by  Haggai  and  Zechariah  had  been  followed  by  a  disap- 
pointment which  led  to  reaction  and  depression.  The 
building  of  the  Temple  did  not  secure  prosperity  and 
freedom  for  the  Jews.  Men's  interest  in  the  services 
flagged;  even  the  priests  became  careless  and  perfunc- 
tory in  the  conduct  of  public  worship,  and  used  their 
authority  for  mercenary  and  partisan  purposes.  The 
nobles,  including  some  of  the  chief  members  of  the 
priesthood,  cultivated  friendly  relations  with  the  leaders  of 
the  Samaritans  and  other  neighbouring  tribes ;  and  Jews 
lay  and  secular,  of  all  ranks,  intermarried  freely  with 
heathen  or  half-heathen  wives.  The  natural  result  was 
the  cooling  of  zeal  for  the  pure  worship  of  Yahweh,  and 
a  fresh  outbreak  of  corrupt  superstition.  Nevertheless 
there  was  still  a  party  who  clung  tenaciously  to  higher 
ideals ;  their  protests  against  the  prevailing  laxity  of 
religion  and  morals  are  partly  preserved  to  us  in  Malachi, 
Isaiah  Ivi.-lxvi.,  and  some  of  the  Psalms.^ 

^  The  extant  portions  of  this  work  now  constitute  large  parts  of 
Genesis^  Exodus^  and  Numbers,  and  the  whole  of  Leviticus. 

2  The  exact  dates  of  all  these  documents  are  matters  of  contro- 
versy, but  in  every  case  they  represent  the  spirit  and  temper  of  the 
loyal  Jews  in  this  period. 


i68     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

The  Mission  of  Ezra. — Left  to  themselves,  however, 
the  true  believers  might  have  succumbed  to  the  power- 
ful influences  arrayed  against  them ;  but  the  Jews  in 
Babylonia  watched  with  anxious  interest  the  progress 
of  affairs  in  Judaea,  and  rendered  decisive  help  at  the 
critical  moment.  Possibly  the  Priestly  Code  was  com- 
piled to  meet  this  emergency. 

Towards  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Artaxerxes  I., 
a  certain  priest  named  Ezra,  doubtless  as  the  representa- 
tive of  the  priests  and  other  Babylonian  Jews,  and  with 
the  permission  of  the  Persian  government,  organised  a 
second  migration  to  Judaea.  He  collected  some  1500 
exiles — men,  women  and  children — and  led  them  across 
the  desert  to  Jerusalem. 

In  Ezra  we  have  the  first  prominent  representative 
of  a  new  class — the  scribes,  or  students,  teachers,  and 
expounders  of  the  Torah  or  Pentateuchal  Law.  He 
went  on  his  journey,  we  are  told,  with  "  the  wisdom  of 
God  in  his  hand,"  ^  and  we  may  safely  conclude  that 
the  Priestly  Code  was  a  leading  feature  of  that  wisdom, 
and  that  Ezra's  main  object  was  to  reform  and  regulate 
the  religious  life  of  the  Jewish  community  according  to 
that  code. 

Notwithstanding  his  numerous  followers,  his  adherents 
at  Jerusalem,  and  the  support  of  the  Persian  government, 
Ezra  had  little  success.  He  directed  his  efforts  chiefly 
against   the  practice  of  intermarrying   with    foreigners. 

^  Ezra  vii.  25. 


EZRA    AND    NEHEMIAH   REFORMS     169 

He  was  not  content  with  forbidding  such  marriages  for 
the  future,  but  tried  to  compel  all  those  who  had  formed 
such  alliances  to  divorce  their  wives.  For  the  time  being, 
at  any  rate,  he  failed. 

The  First  Mission  of  Nehemiah. — Doubtless  Ezra  ren- 
dered some  service  to  the  cause  of  religion  in  Jerusalem ; 
but  for  him  the  growth  of  corruption  might  have  been 
more  rapid  than  it  was.  On  the  whole,  however,  things 
went  from  bad  to  worse.  Whether  through  neglect  to  re- 
pair the  breaches  made  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  or  through 
some  new  disaster,  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  were  in  ruins, 
and  the  city  lay  at  the  mercy  of  its  enemies.  Great  dis- 
tress prevailed  among  the  people,  and  social  abuses  reap- 
peared which  had  been  denounced  by  Amos  and  Isaiah. 
The  nobles  took  advantage  of  the  necessities  of  the 
farmers  to  appropriate  their  land  and  reduce  many  of 
them  to  slavery. 

But  at  this  time,  by  the  Divine  providence,  Ezra  and 
his  friends  had  a  powerful  advocate  at  the  Persian  court. 
A  Jew,  Nehemiah  ben  Hachaliah,  was  cup-bearer  to  the 
king,  and  could  thus  obtain  a  favourable  hearing  for 
a  petition.  Nehemiah's  brother,  Hanani,  came  from 
Jerusalem  to  Susa,  and  reported  to  him  the  desperate 
straits  to  which  the  Jewish  community  was  reduced.  For 
a  while  Nehemiah  gave  himself  to  fasting  and  prayer, 
and  then  obtained  from  the  king  the  governorship  of 
Judah,  with  express  authority  to  fortify  Jerusalem.  He 
then  set  out  for  Judah  with  a  strong  escort  of  Persian 


lyo     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

cavalry.  On  his  arrival,  his  first  care  was  to  secure  his 
military  position  against  the  Samaritan  chiefs.  Before 
Sanballat  and  Tobiah  had  properly  grasped  the  situation, 
Nehemiah  had  rallied  the  Jews  to  a  well-organised,  sus- 
tained, and  strenuous  effort  to  rebuild  the  walls  of  the 
city — with  such  success  that,  when  the  Samaritan  forces 
appeared  upon  the  scene,  they  were  compelled  to  retreat 
without  effecting  anything.  Sanballat  and  his  supporters 
then  had  recourse  to  treachery;  they  tried  to  entice 
Nehemiah  to  a  conference,  doubtless  with  the  intention 
of  assassinating  him ;  but  he  declined  to  walk  into  the 
trap.  " I  am  doing  a  great  work,"  said  he,  "I  cannot 
come  down."  ^  The  Jewish  opponents  of  Ezra  did  what 
they  could  to  help  their  Samaritan  friends ;  and  the  latter 
bribed  the  prophets,  male  and  female,  to  bid  Nehemiah 
in  the  name  of  Yahweh  to  give  up  his  work  and  take 
sanctuary  in  the  Temple.  But  Nehemiah  scornfully 
ignored  the  admonitions  of  these  hireling  clerics ;  being 
a  man  of  much  practical  common  sense,  "  he  discerned 
that  God  had  not  sent  them."  ^  So  he  persevered,  and 
the  walls  were  finished. 

Nehemiah  next  turned  his  attention  to  the  social 
trouble,  and  compelled  the  nobles  to  disgorge  their 
plunder,  and  give  back  the  land  to  its  former  owners, 
so  that  the  common  people  again  had  a  chance  of 
earning  a  decent  livelihood. 

^  Nehemiah  vi.  3,  12. 
2  Ibid. 


EZRA   AND    NEHEMIAH    REFORMS     171 

Matters  were  now  entirely  changed  from  the  time  when 
Ezra  made  his  futile  attempts  at  reform.  The  new  walls 
protected  the  city  from  any  sudden  attack,  and  cut  off 
the  aristocratic  party,  lay  and  clerical,  from  their 
Samaritan  allies ;  while  the  social  reform  secured  Nehe- 
miah  the  adherence  of  the  bulk  of  the  people.  Thus 
strengthened  against  enemies  at  home  or  abroad, 
Nehemiah  could  introduce  religious  reforms.  A  solemn 
assembly  was  called,  and  Ezra  came  forward  with  "  the 
Book  of  the  Law,"^  which  he  read  in  public.  The  reading 
and  expounding  went  on  for  seven  days,  and  was  followed 
by  the  Feast  of  Tabernacles.  Later  on,  the  supporters 
of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  "all  they  that  had  separated 
themselves  from  the  peoples  of  the  lands  unto  the  law 
of  God,"  ^  entered  into  a  solemn  covenant  to  observe 
the  Law.  Amongst  other  things  they  undertook  not  to 
intermarry  with  foreigners,  but  we  do  not  gather  that  at 
this  time  Nehemiah  insisted  on  divorcing  foreign  wives. 

Nehemiah  spent  twelve  years  at  Jerusalem  as  governor 
of  Judah ;  he  reorganised  the  community,  and  made 
provision  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Temple  worship. 
Then  he  returned  to  the  Persian  court. 

As  soon  as  his  back  was  turned,  the  priests  and 
nobles  regained  their  ascendency ;  went  back  to  their 
old  evil  ways,  and  resumed  their  friendly  relations  with 

^  Either  the  Priestly  Code  or  some  larger  portion  of  the  Penta- 
teuch, inchiding  Deuteronotny. 
2  Neh.  X.  28. 


172     OLD    TESTAMENT    HISTORY 

the  Samaritans.  More  especially  Eliashib,  the  high 
priest,  was  hand  in  glove  with  Nehemiah's  two  chief 
opponents,  Sanballat  the  Horonite  and  Tobiah  the 
Ammonite.  He  installed  Tobiah  in  a  "  great  chamber  " 
in  the  Temple,  and  married  his  grandson  to  Sanballat's 
daughter.  The  Temple  services  were  again  neglected ; 
the  Temple  dues  were  not  paid ;  the  Sabbath  became  a 
sort  of  market-day.  Back  came  Nehemiah,  and  made 
short  work  of  these  abominations  ;  he  bundled  Tobiah 
and  his  belongings  out  of  the  Temple,  and  cleansed  the 
great  chamber ;  he  suppressed  the  Sabbath  trading ;  he 
chased  away  Sanballat's  son-in-law.  Also  finding  Jews 
with  foreign  wives,  whose  children  could  not  speak  their 
own  language,  to  use  his  own  picturesque  words,  "  I 
contended  with  them,  and  cursed  them,  and  smote 
certain  of  them,  and  plucked  off  their  hair,  and  made 
them  swear  to  God,  saying,  '  Ye  shall  not  give  your 
daughters  unto  their  sons,  nor  take  their  daughters  for 
your  sons,  or  for  yourselves.'  "  ^ 

Having  remedied  these  abuses,  he  restored  his  former 
arrangements  for  the  maintenance  of  the  Temple  worship. 

The  Value  of  the  Work  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah. — But 
for  some  such  intervention  as  that  of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah, 
the  Jewish  community  at  Jerusalem  would  have  lost  its 
racial  and  religious  characteristics.  It  would  have  been 
merged  in  an  omnium-gatherum  of  Moabites,  Ammonites, 
Arabians,  and  Samaritans,  with  a  hybrid  religion,  which 
1  Neh.  xiii.  25. 


EZRA    AND    NEHEMIAH    REFORMS     173 

used  the  authority  of  Yahweh  to  support  corrupt  and 
immoral  superstition.  In  such  a  society  the  faith  in 
revealed  religion  would  have  dwindled  and  died.  Doubt- 
less there  would  still  have  been  believers  in  Babylonia, 
but  the  subsequent  history  of  these  Eastern  Jews  does 
not  suggest  that,  humanly  speaking,  their  Judaism  could 
have  afforded  a  starting-point  for  Christianity.  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah  were  the  divinely  appointed  agents  who  secured 
the  continuous  development  of  revealed  religion. 

It  was  through  them  that  orthodox  Judaism  became 
a  religion  with  a  single  place  of  sacrifice,  the  Temple, 
with  an  elaborate  ceremonial  law  controlling  not  only 
public  worship  but  daily  life,  with  an  exalted  morality, 
with  a  spiritual  monotheism,  and  with  sacred  writings 
which  enforced,  explained,  and  illustrated  this  teaching. 
Moreover  Ezra  and  Nehemiah  practically  founded  a 
society  of  earnest  and  devout  believers  who  preserved 
and  transmitted  the  Law  and  the  Prophets,  and  kept 
alive  a  burning  zeal  for  the  true  worship  of  the  God 
of  Israel. 

Incidentally  their  work  had  another  result.  They  gave 
effect  to  the  refusal  to  allow  the  Samaritans  to  share  the 
religious  privileges  of  Israel.  Whereupon  the  Samaritans, 
having  in  Sanballat's  son-in-law  a  priest  of  the  house 
of  Aaron,^  built  their  own  Temple  to  Yahweh  on  Mount 
Gerizim,  and  organised  themselves  as  the  true  successors 
of  ancient  Israel,  with  the  Samaritan  edition  of  the  Law. 
^  But  cf.  Appendix  11. 


CHAPTER   XVIII 
CONCLUSION 


Judaea  a  province  of  the  Persian  empire 
Judaea  under  Greek  dominion'. 
Antiochus  IV.   (Epiphanes),   king  of  Syria 
The  War  of  Independence  under  the  Maccabees 
Judaea  independent  under  the  Maccabean  princes 

Judaea  under  the  Herods 

Judaea  a  Roman  province         .... 


B.C. 

538-333 
333-167 
175-164 
167-142 
142-41 

41-A.D,  6 

.     A.D.    6 


An  Old  Testament  History  naturally  ends  with  the  re- 
forms of  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  and  we  need  only  sketch 
very  briefly  the  course  of  subsequent  events.  The  work 
of  the  reformers  remained;  it  is  true  that  there  was  always 
a  party  which  disapproved  of  any  undue  enthusiasm  for 
the  Law ;  but  its  zealous  champions  always  constituted 
a  formidable  body,  and  successfully  asserted  their  claim 
to  be  the  true  representatives  of  the  religion  and  of  the 
national  hopes,  aspirations,  and  ideals  of  the  Jews.  For 
another  three  hundred  years,  the  political  status  of  the 
Jews  underwent  little  change  ;  the  Babylonian  Jews  still 
flourished  in  subject  communities ;  and  Judaea  con- 
tinued a  province  of  a  great  Eastern  empire.  The  con- 
quests of  Alexander  transferred  the  dominion  of  Western 
Asia  and  Egypt  from  the  Persians  to  the  Greeks,  and 
Judaea  became  a  bone  of  contention  between  Egyptian 
Ptolemies  and  the  Seleucid  kings  of  Syria — sometimes 
subject  to  the  one,  sometimes  to  the  other.  Ultimately 
the  efforts  of  Antiochus  IV.  to  promote  Greek  civilisa- 
174 


CONCLUSION 


^75 


tion  throughout  his  dominions  provoked  a  determined 
revolt,  and  Judaea  regained  its  independence  under  the 
Maccabeans,  at  once  high  priests  and  kings.  But  this  new- 
found liberty  hardly  lasted  a  century ;  Judaea  fell  under 
the  power  of  Rome,  first  as  represented  by  her  henchmen 
the  Herods,  and  then  under  actual  Roman  governors. 

But  in  these  last  centuries  before  the  coming  of  Christ, 
Jews  were  dispersed  throughout  the  known  world ;  the 
communities  in  Babylonia  and  Judaea  grew  and  flourished; 
the  Jews  occupied  Galilee  ;  and  new  centres  were  formed 
— notably  at  Alexandria,  And  this  Dispersion,  unlike 
that  of  the  Ten  Tribes,  remained  loyal  to  its  people  and 
its  religion.  Everywhere  the  Jews  had  their  synagogues 
and  their  Scriptures  ;  they  kept  the  Sabbath,  and  studied 
and  observed  the  Law. 

At  the  same  time  Jewish  culture  widened ;  not  only 
was  the  Law  expounded  and  elaborated,  but  the  Book  of 
Daniel  and  many  similar  apocalypses  expressed  an  inter- 
pretation of  the  history  of  the  past  and  an  assured  hope 
for  the  future ;  while  at  Alexandria  and  elsewhere  learned 
Jewish  thinkers  like  Philo  and  the  author  of  The  Wisdom 
of  Solomon  sought  to  use  the  achievements  of  the  Greek 
intellect  in  the  service  of  revealed  religion.  In  many 
ways,  and  at  many  different  points,  action  and  reaction 
were  going  on  between  Judaism  and  the  two  great  forces 
which  were  making  for  unity  in  the  ancient  world — Greek 
civilisation  and  the  Roman  genius  for  government.  It 
was  reserved  for  Christianity  to  co-ordinate  the  three 
under  the  authority  of  an  universal  religion. 


APPENDIX   I 

THE   RETURN   FROM   THE   EXILE 

Chapter  XV.  follows  the  opening  sections  of  Ezra. 
Doubts,  however,  have  been  cast  on  the  accuracy  of  this 
account  of  the  events  immediately  following  the  fall  of 
Babylon,  mainly  because  there  is  no  reference  to  such 
events  in  Haggai  and  Zechariah.  Accordingly  it  is  held 
by  some  scholars  that  there  was  no  Return  on  any 
large  scale  in  or  about  B.C.  536 ;  and  that  there  was  no 
attempt  to  rebuild  the  Temple  before  B.C.  520  ;  and  that 
the  Temple  was  rebuilt  by  the  remnant  who  had  been 
left  in  Judah,  and  not  by  exiles  who  had  returned  from 
Babylon.  But  these  revolutionary  views  are  only  advo- 
cated by  a  minority,  although  most  critics  agree  that  the 
story  in  Ezra  should  be  corrected  in  some  particulars. 
Such  corrections,  however,  would  not  seriously  affect 
the  outline  given  in  Chapter  XV. 


176 


APPENDIX   II 

THE   REFORMS   OF   EZRA    AND   NEHEMIAH 

These  also  are  the  subject  of  much  controversy,  and  as 
the  matter  is  still  sub  Judice,  I  have  thought  it  right  to 
follow  in  the  text  substantially  the  account  of  Ezra  and 
Nehemiah^  which  is  still  accepted  by  many  scholars  in 
its  main  features.  Apart  from  a  few  extremists,  who 
challenge  the  historicity  of  Ezra  and  his  mission,  the 
facts  are  for  the  most  part  accepted;  but  there  is  a 
great  variety  of  opinion  as  to  the  chronology.  The 
mission  of  Ezra  is  sometimes  placed  before,  sometimes 
at  the  same  time  as,  the  first  mission  of  Nehemiah ; 
sometimes  between  Nehemiah's  two  visits  to  Jerusalem, 
sometimes  after  the  second  visit. 

Also  the  Artaxerxes  of  Ezra  and  Nehetniah  is  some- 
times identified  with  Artaxerxes  II.  (Mnemon),  B.C.  404- 
361. 

Again,  the  formation  of  the  Samaritan  sect  is  sometimes 
assigned  to  a  later  date. 


177 


INDEX 


Aaron,  32 
Abijam,  93 
Ablmelech,  44,  46 
Abner,  73 
Abraham,  18,  33 
Absalom,  76 
Achish,  72 
Adonijah,  77 
Ahab,  97 
Ahaz,  129 
Ahaziah  of  Israel,  101 

,,         of  Judab,  106 
Alexander,  174 
Amalekites,  32,  67 
Amarna  tablets,  36 
Amaziah,  114 
Ammon,  20,  63 
Amon,  134 
Amorites,  37 
Amos,  122 
Amraphel,  10,  117 
Antiochus,  175 
Aramaeans,  see  Syria 
Ark,  31,  58 
Artaxerxes,  166,  177 
Asa,  93 

Asshurbanipal,  134 
Assyria,  10,  99 
Athaliah,  109 

Baal,  52,  102,  108 


Baasha,  93 
Babylon,  10 

,,         suzerainty     of, 
141 
Barak,  44 
Baruch,  140,  144 
Benhadad,  94 
Benjamin,  41 
Bondage  in  Egypt,  22 
Brazen  serpent,  132 

Caleb,  40 

Calves,  golden,  go 

Canaan,  before  Conquest, 
16 
,,       Conquest  of,  35 

Captivity  of  Israel,  126 
,,     of  Jehoiachin,  146 
,,     of  Judah,  149 

Carchemish,  battle  of,  141 

Century  Bible,  7 

Chronicles,  4,  5 

Chronology,  33,  53,  90 

Conquest  of  Canaan,  35 

Corvee,  80 

Covenant,  Book  of,  x\^ 

Cyrus,  158 

Damascus,  10,  93 
Dan,  40 
Daniel,  175 
173 


Darius,  164 
David,  71 

Day  of  Yahweh,  159 
Deborah,  44 
Deuteronomy,  135 
Dispersion,  166,  174 
Disruption,  88 

Eastern  Palestine,  con- 
quest of,  37 

Edom,  19,  20,  78 

Egypt,  9,  126 

„      bondage  in,  22 
,,      suzerainty  of,  138 

Ehud,  44 

Elah,  94 

Elephantine  papyri,  156 

Eli,  57 

Elijah,  loi 

Elisha,  loi,  113 

Eltekeh,  battle  of,  131 

Ephraim,  41 

Esarhaddon,  133 

Esau,  20 

Exile,  150 

Exodus,  the,  27 

,,        date  of  the,  34 

Ezekiel,  152 

Ezra,  169,  178 

Gedall^h,  15s 


INDEX 

179 

Genealogy  of  Israel,  17 

Jehoahaz  of  Judah,  138 

Levites,  39 

Geography  of  the  ancient 

Jehoash,  113 

Lot,  19 

East,  8 

Jehoiachin,  146 

„          of  Palestine,  13 

Jehoiada,  109 

Maccabees,  175 

Gideon,  44,  46 

Jehoiakim,  138,  142 

Ma  lac  hi,  167 

Gilboa,  battle  of,  69 

Jehonadab,  108 

Manasseh,  King,  41 

Golden  calves,  go 

Jehoram  of  Israel,  98,  loi 

Tribe,  133 

,,         of  Judali,  98,  106 

Medes,  141,  158 

Habakkuk,  139 

Jehoshaphat,  98 

Megiddo,  battle  of,  137 

Haggai,  163 

Jehovah,  26 

Menahem,  125 

Hammurabi,  10,  117 

Jehu,  106 

Menephthah  or  Mereiip- 

Haran,  20 

Jephthah,  44 

tah,  34 

Hazael,  112 

Jeremiah,  139 

Mephibosheth  or  Merrlb- 

Herods,  175 

Jericho,  38 

baal,  son  of  Jonathan, 

Hezekiah,  130 

Jeroboam  I.,  91 

81 

High  places,  118,  136 

n.,  113 

Merodach-Baladan,  130 

History  of  Israel — 

Jerusalem      taken     by 

Mesha,  96,  105 

importance  of,  i 

David,  76 

Micah,  127 

interpretation  of  sour- 

„        taken  by  Nebu- 

Midian, 26,  46 

ces  of,  4 

chadnezzar,  149 

Moab,  20,  96,  105 

sources  of,  3 

Jezebel,  99 

Moabite  Stone,  96,  105 

Hittites,  11 

Joab,  73 

Monarchy,  rise  of,  48,  61 

Horeb,  26,  28 

Joash,  109 

Monuments,  3 

Hosea,  122 

Jonah,  113 

Moses,  25 

Hoshea,  126 

Jonathan,  66 

Hyksos,  23 

Joram,  see  Jehoram 

Naboth,  97 

Joseph,  18,  23 

Nahash,  63 

Inscriptions,  3 

Josephus,  3 

Nahum,  139 

International     Critical 

Joshua,  35 

Nebuchadnezzar,  141 

Commentary,  7 

,,        High  Priest,  161 

Necho,  137 

Isaac,  19 

Josiah,  135 

Nehemiah,  169,  178 

Isaiah,  127 

Jotham,  129 

Nineveh,  fall  of,  141 

,,      "Second,"  157 
„     Ivi.-lxvi.,  i66f. 

Judah,  40 
Judges,  43 

Omri,  94 

Ishbaal,  73 

Palestine,      geography 

Ishmael,  23 

Kadesh,  28 

of,  13 

Israel,  genealogy  of,  17 

Karkar,  battle  of,  loo 

,,       early  historj',  16 

Kenites,  40 

Papyri,  156 

Jabesh-gilead,  63 

Khuenaten,  i^ 

Patriarchs,  18 

Jacob,  17,  20 

Peake,   Religion   0/  Is- 

Jael, 46 

Lamentations,  149 

rael,  6 

Jehoahaz  of  Israel,  112 

Law,  31,  135,  169 

Pekah,  126 

i8o 


INDEX 


Pekahiah,  126 
Pentateuch,  17,  135,  167 
Pharaoh  of  Exodus,  34 

„         of  Oppression,  34 

,,         Necho,  137 
Philistines,  54,  65,  75 
Philo,  175 
Pithom,  24 
Plagues,  Ten,  27 
Priestly  Code,  167 
Prophets,  60,  113 
Psalms,  167 

Raamses,  24 
Ramoth-gilead,  lor 
Rameses  II.,  34 
Red  Sea,  28 
Rehoboara,  91 
Religion  of  Israel,  6,  21, 

51,  78,  8s,  90,  118 
Return,  160,  176 
Reuben,  41 
Rezin,  126 

Samaria,  capital,  96 
,,         fall  of,  125 


Samaritans,  161,  173 

Samson,  44,  56 

Samuel,  59 

Samuel,  54 

Sanballat,  170 

Sargon, 130 

Saul,  61 

Sennacherib,  128 

Serpent,  brazen,  132 

Shalmaneser  II.,  100,  107 

Shechem,  39 

Sheshbazzar,  161 

Shishak,  91 

Simeon,  39 

Sinai,  26,  28 

Smith,  H.  P.,  Old  Testa- 
ment History,  7 

Social  conditions,  50, 116, 
120 

Solomon,  82 

Spirit  of  Yahweh,  58, 
63 

Syria,  10,  96,  99,  iii 

Suzerainty  of  Egypt,  138 
,,  of     Babylon, 

141 


Tabernacle,  31 

Temple,  Solomon's,  84 
,,        restored,  163 

Ten  plagues,  27 
,,     Tribes,  revolt  of,  88 

Tent  of  Meeting,  31 

Thothmes    III.,    inscrip- 
tion of,  36 

Tibni,  96 

Twelve  Tribes,  18 

Ur,  19 
Uzziah,  128 

Whitehouse,  Books   of 

the  Old  Testament,  7 
Wilderness  wanderings,32 
Wisdom  of  Solomon,  175 

Yahweh,  26,  29 

Zachariah,  125 
Zechariah,  163 
Zedekiah,  146 
Zephaniah,  139 
Zerubbabel,  161 
Zimri,  94 


Printed  by  Ballantvne,  Hanson  6^  Co. 
Edinburgh  <Sr»  London 


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